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3.2. Pubblicazioni recenti su Origene e la tradizione alessandrina a cura di Lorenzo Perrone con la collaborazione di Marie-Odile Boulnois (Paris), Alberto Camplani (Roma), Attila Jakab (Budapest), Jana Plátova (Olomouc), Fernando Soler (Santiago de Chile), Claudio Zamagni (Lausanne) [Indice: 0. Bibliografie, repertori e rassegne; profili di studiosi; 1. Miscellanee e studi di carattere generale; 2. Ellenismo e cultura alessandrina; 3. Giudaismo ellenistico; 4. LXX; 5. Aristobulo; 6. Lettera di Aristea; 7. Filone Alessandrino (1. Bibliografie, rassegne, repertori; 2. Edizioni e traduzioni; 3. Miscellanee e raccolte; 4. Studi); 8. Pseudo-Filone; 9. Flavio Giuseppe (1. Bibliografie, rassegne, repertori; 2. Edizioni e traduzioni; 3. Miscellanee e raccolte; 4. Studi); 10. Cristianesimo alessandrino e ambiente egiziano (1. Il contesto religioso egiziano; 2. Il periodo delle origini; 3. Gnosticismo, ermetismo e manicheismo; 4. La chiesa alessandrina: istituzioni, dottrine, riti, personaggi e episodi storici; 5. Il monachesimo); 11. Clemente Alessandrino; 12. Origene (1. Bibliografie, rassegne, repertori; 2. Edizioni e traduzioni; 3. Miscellanee e raccolte; 4. Studi); 13. L’origenismo e la fortuna di Origene; 14. Dionigi Alessandrino; 15. Pierio di Alessandria; 16. Pietro di Alessandria; 17. Alessandro di Alessandria; 18. Ario; 19. Eusebio di Cesarea; 20. Atanasio; 21. I Padri Cappadoci (1. Basilio di Cesarea; 2. Gregorio di Nazianzo; 3. Gregorio di Nissa); 22. Ambrogio di Milano; 23. Didimo il Cieco; 24. Evagrio; 25. Rufino di Aquileia; 26. Teofilo di Alessandria; 27. Sinesio di Cirene; 28. Gerolamo; 29. Agostino; 30. Isidoro di Pelusio; 31. Cirillo Alessandrino; 32. Nonno di Panopoli; 33. Pseudo-Dionigi Areopagita; 34. Cosma Indicopleuste; 35. Giovanni Filopono; 36. Massimo il Confessore]*. 0. Bibliografie, repertori e rassegne; profili di studiosi ALCIATI R., Il Cassiano greco di Panayotis Tzamalikos, RSCr 11 (2014) 451-478. [1. Breve storia del Cassiano greco. 2. L’edizione critica di Tzamalikos (SVC 111). 3. Da Giovanni Cassiano a Cassiano il Sabaita (SVC 112). 4. La notitia nel De viris inlustribus di Gennadio. 5. Il Contra collatorem di Prospero di Aquitania. 6. Conclusioni ovvero il «da farsi». – Abstract: «This note seeks to analyze P. Tzamalikos arguments, contained in two recently published books, on Cassian the Sabaite – supposedly an early Christian author whose figure was later eclipsed by that of John Cassian of Marseilles. Tzamalikos argues John Cassian is a medieval forgery and likely never existed, and that this is evinced by a ninth-century Greek manuscript containing a portion of the Conlationes patrum. A careful reading of his arguments suggests it is however still too difficult to prove the existence of the new Cassian and, above all, to dismiss the known Cassian of Marseilles. Tzamalikos has preferred not to make a close study of the two versions of Cassian’s text (Greek and Latin), but has only dismantled indirect and external evidence of what he supposes was a large forgery project. Furthermore, what Tzamalikos argues for is far from being definitely proven. A further critique of his thesis recognizes three main issues with argument: 1. The Greek manuscript was published for the first time in 1913; 2. The entry entitled Cassianus natione Scytha in Gennadius’s catalogue cannot be considered a later interpolation; 3. The Contra collatorem by Prosper of Aquitaine furthermore provides strong evidence that Cassian’s texts have been written in Latin at the beginning of the fifth century»]. ALEXANDRE M., Le Père Daniélou: la construction d’une «cohérence intérieure». Mystère de l’histoire et incarnations du christianisme, in Les Pères de l’Église aux sources de l’Europe (! 1. Miscellanee e studi di carattere generale), 57102. [I. Formations. II. Entreprises, enseignements. Recherches patristiques: A. Grégoire de Nysse; B. De Grégoire de Nysse à Origène et Philon; C. «L’histoire des insertions culturelles du christianisme». IV. «Une pensée de type symbolique»: typologie et liturgie. Conclusion]. [BURZACCHINI G.] MAZZOLI G., Premessa alla Bibliografia, in ΦΙΛΙΑ. Dieci contributi per Gabriele Burzacchini, a cura di M. TULLI, con la collaborazione di M. MAGNANI e A. NICOLOSI (EIKASMOS. Quaderni Bolognesi di Filologia Classica – Studi 25), Pàtron Editore, Bologna 2014, vii-x.

* Per le abbreviazioni si fa in genere riferimento a: Theologische Realenzyklopädie. Abkürzungsverzeichnis. 2. über. u. erw. Aufl., zusammengestellt von S.M. SCHWERTNER, de Gruyter, Berlin – New York 1994. I titoli di opere collettive o di raccolte vengono riportati per esteso nella sezione 1., o in relazione agli autori cui più direttamente si riferiscono e in questo caso sono facilmente ricavabili dal contesto immediato. Si riportano le rubriche anche quando mancano le relative indicazioni bibliografiche per illustrare l’articolazione tendenziale del repertorio nel suo complesso. Autosegnalazioni e ogni altra forma di aiuto sono benvenute [NdR].

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ADAMANTIUS 21 (2015) –, Bibliografia di Gabriele Burzacchini, a cura di A. NICOLOSI, in ΦΙΛΙΑ. Dieci contributi per Gabriele Burzacchini, a cura di M. TULLI, con la collaborazione di M. MAGNANI e A. NICOLOSI (EIKASMOS. Quaderni Bolognesi di Filologia Classica – Studi 25), Pàtron Editore, Bologna 2014, xi-xxi. CARFORA A., Giorgio Jossa: una nota bio-storiografica, in Gesù e la storia. Percorsi sulle origini del cristianesimo. Studi in onore di Giorgio Jossa, a cura di M. Beatrice DURANTE MANGONI, Dario GARRIBBA, Marco VITELLI (Oi christianoi – Nuovi studi sul cristianesimo nella storia, 20), Il pozzo di Giacobbe, Trapani 2015, 193-200. [Abstract: «The article is interested in the biographical and existential experience of Giorgio Jossa in relation to his research field, all along his teaching career and academic production. A. Carfora draws on the so-called ego-histoire and inquires how the life-experiences in a given historical period affect historical research. She investigates also the impact of faith and civic consciousness on Jossa’s scientific production»]. COTTIER G., Le Cardinal Yves-Marie Congar: «Patristique et vraie réforme de l’Église» in Les Pères de l’Église aux sources de l’Europe (! 1. Miscellanee e studi di carattere generale), 103-120. DAGENS C., Henri-Irénée Marrou, historien des origines chrétiennes et de l’Antiquité tardive, théologien de l’histoire, in Les Pères de l’Église aux sources de l’Europe (! 1. Miscellanee e studi di carattere generale), 17-35. [I. L’historien des origines chrétiennes et de l’antiquité tardive: 1. Les crises des civilisations; 2. Le christianisme et la fin du monde antique. II. Théologien de l’histoire et de l’Église dans l’histoire: 1. De la connaissance historique à la théologie de l’histoire; 2. L’Église dans l’histoire et la responsabilité des chrétiens. III. Un chrétien vivant de Dieu dans le monde: 1. Une conception sacramentelle de la mission chrétienne; 2. Un modèle d’intellectuel chrétien?]. FÉDOU M., Le Cardinal Henri de Lubac: Méditation sur les Pères, in Les Pères de l’Église aux sources de l’Europe (! 1. Miscellanee e studi di carattere generale), 37-56. [La place de la patristique chez Henri de Lubac. La forme littéraire des citations patristiques. La théologie actuelle et les Pères de l’Église]. GETCHA J., De la Russie à l’émigration. Le père Cyprien Kern, le père Georges Florovsky et les études patristiques russes, in Les Pères de l’Église aux sources de l’Europe (! 1. Miscellanee e studi di carattere generale), 227-242. [1. Les études patristiques russes et le Père Cyprien Kern. 2. Le père Georges Florovsky et la synthèse néopatristique]. HAINTHALER T., Le Cardinal Alois Grillmeier: renouveau de la christologie, in Les Pères de l’Église aux sources de l’Europe (! 1. Miscellanee e studi di carattere generale), 121-146. [I. Alois Grillmeier: sa vie et son œuvre: 1. Sa vie; 2. Les œuvres principales. II. Renouveau de la christologie: 1. Histoire du dogme – une perspective historique; 2. Ad fontes, 3. L’inclusion des Pères des Églises orientales; 4. L’orientation œcuménique; 5. À propos de quelques critiques de l’image du Christ du temps patristique; 6. Conclusion]. LADARIA L., Le Père Antonio Orbe: la gnose et la théologie prénicéenne, in Les Pères de l’Église aux sources de l’Europe (! 1. Miscellanee e studi di carattere generale), 147-174. [1. La théologie trinitaire: la procession du Verbe. 2. Anthropologie. 3. L’incarnation. 4. L’onction du Christ]. PAINCHAUD L., La Bibliothèque Copte de Nag Hammadi a 40 ans, Studies in Religion / Sciences Religieuses 43 (2014) 211-227. [Abstract: «L’édition critique accompagnée d’une traduction française, de commentaires, d’introductions et d’index des textes de Nag Hammadi a vu le jour à l’Université Laval en septembre 1973. Quarante années plus tard, cet article veut faire le point sur le travail accompli et celui qui reste à faire et proposer quelques réflexions sur l’état de la recherche dans le domaine». – L’«Annexe» (pp. 219-220) riporta l’elenco completo dei volumi della collana (Section Textes; Section Études; Section Concordances)]. RAVASCO A., Paul Kahle as a Septuagint Scholar ! 4. LXX RUGGIERO F., A proposito di agiografia cristiana antica: rileggendo il volume di Adele Monaci Castagno, Adamantius 20 (2014) 408-418. [Nota su: A. MONACI CASTAGNO, L’agiografia cristiana antica. Testi, contesti, pubblico, Morcelliana, Brescia 2010]. SIMONETTI M., Omaggio a Maria Ignazia Danieli, in L’Oriente in Occidente. L’opera di Rufino di Concordia (! 25. Rufino di Aquileia), 229-233. [«Maria Ignazia definisce “religiosa” la sua vicenda, non accademica, ma se invece di vicenda accademica parliamo di vicenda di studio e di ricerca, ecco che abbiamo due aspetti complementari di un’esperienza esistenziale sincera e profonda di un unico itinerario che è insieme di fede e di studio, percorso con esemplare coerenza e continuità e perciò con sempre maggiore consapevolezza e fecondità» (p. 229)].

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REPERTORIO BIBLIOGRAFICO SINISCALCO P., Le Cardinal Michele Pellegrino: pastorale et patristique, in Les Pères de l’Église aux sources de l’Europe (! 1. Miscellanee e studi di carattere generale), 175-200. STAVROU M., La démarche néopatristique de Myrrha Lot-Borodine et de Vladimir Lossky, in Les Pères de l’Église aux sources de l’Europe (! 1. Miscellanee e studi di carattere generale), 201-225. [Introduction. I. Myrrha Lot-Borodine: 1. Vie et œuvre d’une grande médiéviste chrétienne; 2. Apport de l’œuvre patrologique de Myrrha Lot-Borodine; 3. Démarche de Myrrha Lot-Borodine. II. Vladimir Lossky: 1. Éléments biographiques; 2. Quelques caractéristiques de la démarche de Lossky. Conclusion]. TALLET G., Bibliographie de Françoise Dunand, in Le myrte & et la rose. Mél. F. Dunand, xxi-xxvii. VAN ROSSUM J., Mgr Basile Krivochéine et la découverte de saint Syméon le Nouveau Théologien en Occident, in Les Pères de l’Église aux sources de l’Europe (! 1. Miscellanee e studi di carattere generale), 243-257. 1. Miscellanee e studi di carattere generale ALVES DOS SANTOS P., Antigas leituras do Apocalipse na Igreja Grega, Atualidade Teológica 18/47 (2014) 274-306. [«I wish to expose the itinerary of reading of the book of Revelation through the production of comments since late Antiquity, Greek Eastern schools. Care show also that there is a network of communication between the various comments, intelligence of the biblical texts, that spells a reading community, establishing links between authors, theological currents, socio-ecclesial contexts, at different times. All this, in view of the relevance of a piece of literature that fascinates and scares readers two thousand years of its reception in the Biblical Canon, in the liturgy and in Christian culture»]. Arianism: Roman Heresy and Barbarian Creed, Edited by G.M. BERNDT and R. STEINACHER, Ashgate, Farnham/Surrey 2014, pp. xviii+381. [List of illustrations, ix; Notes on contributors, xi-xiv; Abbreviations, xv-xvi; Preface, xvii-xviii. Introduction: H.C. BRENNECKE, Framing the Historical and Theological Problems, 1-19. 1a. K. SCHÄFERDIEK (†), Ulfila und der sogenannte gotische Arianismus, 21-43. 1b. K. SCHÄFERDIEK (†), 45-48. 2. S. PARVIS, Was Ulfila really a Homoian?, 49-65. 3. P. PARVIS, Sabas: ‘Orthodox’ or ‘Arian’?, 67-83. 4. U. HEIL, The Homoians, 85-115. 5. H.C. BRENNECKE, Deconstruction of the So-Called Germanic Arianism, 117-130. 6. H. WOLFRAM, Vulfila pontifex ipseque primas Gothorum minorum, sed non apostolorum eorum. Vulfila, Bishop and Secular Leader of His People but not their Apostle, 131-144. 7. R.W. MATHISEN, Barbarian ‘Arian’ Clergy, Church Organization, and Church Practices, 145-191. 8. B. WOLFE, Language and German Homoianism, 193-200. 9. R. BOCKMANN, The Non-Archaeology of Arianism – What Comparing Cases in Carthage, Haïdra and Ravenna Can Tell Us about ‘Arian’ Churches, 201-218. 10. G.M. BERNDT–R. STEINACHER, The ecclesia legis Gothorum and the Role of ‘Arianism’ in Ostrogothic Italy, 219-229. 11. P. MAJOCCHI, Arrianorum abolevit haeresem: The Lombards and the Ghost of Arianism, 231-238. 12. R. WHELAN, Arianism in Africa, 239-255. 13. M. KOCH, Arianism and Ethnic Identity in Sixth-Century Visigothic Spain, 257-270. 14. U. HEIL, The Homoians in Gaul, 271-296. 15. M. PÉREZ MARTÍNEZ, Britain: Approaching Controversy on the Western Fringes of the Roman Empire, 297-310. Conclusion: Y. HEN, The Elusive Nature of an Orthodox Heresy, 311-315. Bibliography, 317-365. Index, 367381]. BOULNOIS M.-O., La bouchée de Judas (Jn 13,26-30) d’Origène à Thomas d’Aquin, Adamantius 20 (2014) 322-342. [Introduction. I. La bouchée chez Origène: 1. La bouchée et l’entrée de Satan; 2. La bouchée trempée; Judas at-il mangé la bouchée? II. Judas n’a pas communié: 1. Auteurs antiques; 2. Auteurs médiévaux. III. Judas a participé à l’eucharistie: 1. Auteurs anciens; 2. Auteurs médiévaux. Conclusion. – Abstract: «In the Gospel of John, Jesus announces that he will indicate the one who will deliver him by giving him a morsel. “Dipping then the morsel, he takes it and gives it to Judas, son of Simon Iscariot. After the morsel, Satan entered into him” (Jn 13: 26-27). This text raises many questions: what is the relationship between the entry of Satan and the gift of the morsel? Does this coincidence mean that the morsel is a kind of poison? How to interpret the fact that it is soaked? Has Judas participated in the Eucharist and, if so, how to explain that he has made no profit? Must the morsel be distinguished from the Eucharist? The difficulties associated with that verse increase because the Gospel of John is both the only one which presents the entry of Satan after the morsel and the only one which does not report the institution of the Eucharist, raising the problem of harmonization with the Synoptics. Behind these exegetical issues, sacramental and ecclesial issues are also sketched: should one give communion to those who are unworthy? What is the effectiveness of the Eucharist? As Origen was the first to raise some of these issues in his Commentary on the Gospel of John we are seeking to understand his answers in order to see to what extent he opens up several debates through the centuries down to modern scholars. Our study examines the Eastern and Western reception of the two Origenian hypotheses, pro or contra the communion of Judas. Guibert of Nogent, in his Letter on the morsel of Judas, and Thomas Aquinas, in the Summa Theologica, evoke the diversity of responses from the Fathers to the question of Judas’ participation in the Eucharist. Some of his assumptions are found again in the works of Ephraem and Cyril of

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ADAMANTIUS 21 (2015) Alexandria, whereas others, absent in Origen, are introduced by Apollinaris and Augustine, such as the distinction between the morsel and the Eucharist, or the harmonisation of the Gospels. John Chrysostom who stands against Origen will be invoked by medieval authors and, conversely, Origenian assumptions will be found again in others like Rupert of Deutz»]. COLOMBI E., La presenza dei Padri nelle biblioteche altomedievali: qualche spunto per una visione d’insieme, in Scrivere e leggere nell’alto Medioevo (Settimane di studio della Fondazione Centro Italiano di Studi sull’Alto Medioevo, 59), Fondazione Centro Italiano di Studi sull’Alto Medioevo, Spoleto 2012, 1047-1133. CRAWFORD M.R., Ammonius of Alexandria, Eusebius of Caesarea and the Origins of Gospels Scholarship ! 19. Eusebio di Cesarea –, Scripture as ‘One Book’: Origen, Jerome and Cyril of Alexandria on Isaiah 29:11, JThS 64 (2013) 137-153. [Jerome and Cyril on Isaiah 29:11. Origen’s argument that Scripture is ‘one book’. Other examples of Jerome’s appropriation of Origen’s argument. Conclusion. – Abstract: «Based on the research of F.-M. Abel and Alexander Kerrigan, parallels between the exegetical works of Cyril of Alexandria and Jerome have long been known. In this article I highlight a previously unnoticed parallel which is perhaps the most striking instance yet discovered, since it demonstrates Cyril following almost exactly the wording of his predecessor. In exegeting Isaiah 29:11 both Jerome and Cyril interpret the ‘sealed book’ mentioned in the passage as Scripture which is ‘spoken by one Holy Spirit’ and so ‘is called one book’. Based on the cross references cited by Jerome, I further argue that Jerome’s exegesis is indebted to Origen’s argument, found in book five of his Commentary on the Gospel of John, that the numerous individual books of Scripture are ‘one book’ in the divine Word who unites them. Thus, Origen’s exegetical labors continued to have influence beyond the outbreak of the Origenist controversy, even among those authors who otherwise took issue with his legacy. Moreover, this instance highlights one way the patristic exegetical tradition developed, as later authors mined and redeployed the exegesis of their predecessors to meet new challenges in their own day»]. Early Christian Prayer and Identity Formation, Edited by R. HVALVIK and K.O. SANDNES (Wissenschaftliche Untersuchungen zum Neuen Testament, 336), Mohr Siebeck, Tübingen 2014, pp. ix+421 (= Early Christian Prayer and Identity Formation). [Preface, v; Abbreviations, ix. R. HVALVIK–K.O. SANDNES, Early Christian Prayer and Identity Formation: Introducing the Project, 1-12. M. TELLBE, Identity and Prayer, 13-34. L. HURTADO, The Place of Jesus in Earliest Christian Prayer and its Import for Early Christian Identity, 35-56. R. HVALVIK, Praying with Outstretched Hands: Nonverbal Aspects of Early Christian Prayer and the Question of Identity, 57-90. G.O. HOLMÅS, Prayer, ‘Othering’ and the Construction of Early Christian Identity in the Gospels of Matthew and Luke, 91-113. M. TELLBE, Prayer and Social Identity Formation in the Letter to the Ephesians, 115-135. A.R. SOLEVÅG, Prayer in Acts and the Pastoral Epistles: Intersections of Gender and Class, 137-159. O.J. FILTVEDT, With Our Eyes Fixed on Jesus: The Prayers of Jesus and His Followers in Hebrews, 161-182. C.R. KOESTER, Heavenly Prayer and Christian Identity in the Book of Revelation, 183-207. K.O. SANDNES, «The First Prayer»: Pater Noster in the Early Church, 209-232. H. KVALBEIN, The Lord’s Prayer and the Eucharist Prayers in the Didache, 233-266. R. AASGAARD, «What Point is There for Me in Other People Hearing My Confessions?» Prayer and Christian Identity in Augustine’s Confessions, 267-290. A. MARAVELA, Christians Praying in a Graeco-Roman Context: Intimations of Christian Identity in Greek Papyrus Prayers, 291-323. N. FÖRSTER, Prayer in the Valentinian Apolytrosis: A Case Study on Gnostic Identity, 325-342. G. WEHUS, «Bring Now, o Zeus, What Difficulty Thou Wilt.» Prayer and Identity Formation in the Stoic Philosopher Epictetus, 343-369. R. HVALVIK–K.O. SANDNES, Prayer and Identity Formation: Attempts at a Synthesis, 371-381. Contributors, 383. Index of Sources, 385-409; Index of Modern Authors, 410-416; Index of Subjects and Names, 417-421]. ECK W., Judäa – Syria Palästina. Die Auseinandersetzung einer Provinz mit römischer Politik und Kultur (Texts and Studies in Ancient Judaism, 157), Mohr Siebeck, Tübingen 2014, pp. xiv+307. [Vorwort, v-xiv. I. Inschriften als Objekt und Subjekt einer Provinzgeschichte; II. Eigenheiten und Wandlungen in einer Provinz. – Da segnalare: 13. Caesarea Maritima – eine römische Stadt?, 150-165]. Eusebius of Caesarea: Tradition and Innovations ! 19. Eusebio di Cesarea FRAENKEL C., Integrating Greek Philosophy into Jewish and Christian Contexts in Antiquity: The Alexandrian Project, in Translation, Transmission, Transformation in Medieval Cultures, eds. C. FRAENKEL, J. FUMO, F. WALLIS, and R. WISNOVSKY (Cursor mundi. Series of the UCLA Center of Medieval Studies), Brepols, Turnhout 2012, 23-47. [Introduction. Religion as the handmaid of philosophy: the Platonic model. Applying the Platonic model to Judaism and Christianity. Eusebius of Caesarea’s Praeparatio evangelica as a key to the Alexandrian project. Why Christians and Jews should study philosophy. Conclusion. – «If my sketch of the interpretation of Judaism and Christianity as philosophical religions is correct, its proponents would argue that the questions set out at the beginning of this chapter are based on a false dichotomy between philosophy and religion. For Philo, Clement, and Origen Jews and Christians must study philosophy – to the extent they have the required

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REPERTORIO BIBLIOGRAFICO capacity – because philosophy leads to the greatest perfection. The doctrines established in philosophy in turn are not distinct from Judaism and Christianity: they are their allegorical content which their literal content imitates in the form of a pedagogical-political programme designed for non-philosophers – either as a preparation to or a replacement of philosophy. While these doctrines can be exegetically located in scripture, they cannot be derived from it. Consequently the study of scripture cannot be a substitute for the study of philosophy, whereas the study of philosophy is indispensable for accessing the true content of scripture. Contradictions exist only between philosophy and scripture’s literal sense and can be resolved through allegorical interpretation. Educated Gentiles should convert to Christianity, because Christianity is superior to Greek philosophy, but this superioriry is conceived as the superiority of one philosophical school over another. Being equally committed to philosophy on the one hand and Judaism and Christianity on the other, it is clear why philosophers like Philo, Clement, and Origen would find the Platonic model of a philosophical religion attractive: it allowed them to integrate both philosophy into a Jewish and Christian framework and Judaism and Christianity into a philosophical framework. Finally, in a creative adaptation of the standard model, it provided Christians with an explanation for their view that a new covenant had superseded the old one» (pp. 46-47)]. Für uns und für unser Heil: Soteriologie in Ost und West. Forscher aus dem Osten und Westen Europas an den Quellen des gemeinsamen Glaubens, herausgegeben von T. HAINTHALER, F. MALI, G. EMMENEGGER und M. LENKAITYTÉ (Pro Oriente, 37. Wiener Patristische Tagungen, 6), Tyrolia Verlag, Innsbruck-Wien 2014, pp. 447 (= Für uns und für unser Heil: Soteriologie in Ost und West). [Metropolitan Arsenios of Austria, Greetings to the participants, 9; Évêque Atanáz Orosz, exarque de Miskolc, Bienvenue aux participants du colloque, 11; Patriarch Bechara Boutros Cardinal Raï, Greetings, 13. T. HAINTHALER, Introduction, 15-19. For Us and for Our Salvation: T. KHOMYCH, The Concept of Salvation in First Clement, 23-33. P. MATTEI, «Dieu n’est pas mort»: Remarques sur la christologie et la sotériologie du De Trinitate de Novatien, 35-52. Y. DE ANDIA, «Opus Spiritus salus carnis». Le salut de la chair selon Irénée de Lyon, 53-65. F. MALI, Descendit ad inferos. Das Heil Christi für den verstorbenen ‘Adam’. Erlösung nach dem Nikodemus-Evangelium, 67-79. R. ROUX, La sotériologie du Liber Graduum, 81-90. G. EMMENEGGER, Heil und Heilung: Medizin als Metapher für Erlösung bei Basilius, 91-102. I. CHRISTOV, Synergetic Aspects in St. Gregory of Nyssa’s Teaching on the Salvation of Man, 103-111. D. BUDA, Die soteriologische Aspekte der antiapollinaristischen Polemik in den Katechetischen Homilien Theodors von Mopsuestia und in den Taufkatechesen des Johannes Chrysostomus, 113-125. L. KARFIKOVÁ, Semet ipsum exinanivit. Der LogosErlöser nach Marius Victorinus, 127-149. V. HUŠEK, Duplex gratia: Ambrosiaster and the Two Aspects of his Soteriology, 151-159. M. STAVROU, Liberté et salut chez saint Augustin et saint Jean Cassien: un début sotériologique entre Occident et Orient chrétiens, 161-179. M. LENKAITYTÉ OSTERMANN, Magna loci gratia: désert, lieu de salut selon Eucher de Lyon, 181-195. D. GONNET, Sacrifice et salut selon saint Augustin, 197-206. A. FOKIN, The Doctrine of Deification in Western Fathers of the Church: A Reconsideration, 207-220. V. GROSSI, Augustine’s Soteriology Regarding Original Sin: Ancient Questions and Research Orientations, 221243. D. MOROZOVA, Theodoret of Cyrus and Leo the Great: ‘In Different Languages’ on the Same Salvation, 245-255. T. HAINTHALER, Soteriologie in der Definition von Chalcedon und im Tomus Leonis, 257-267. O. IOAN, «Sie schneiden die Hoffnung unserer Natur von der Erlösung ab...»: Das soteriologische Argument bei Išô‘jahb III. (649-659), 269-279. I. KOUREMPELS, Die Sündlosigkeit und das Leiden Christi in der Soteriologie des Romanos Melodos, 281-295. T.T. TOLLEFSEN, St Maximus the Confessor’s Doctrine of Deification, 297-301. M. STOYADINOV, The Soteriological Argument in the Context of Iconoclastic Controversy: St John Damascene and St Theodore the Studite, 303-311. C. HOVORUN, Borders of Salvation: Reading Fathers with Russian Theologians, 313-322. P. MIKHAYLOV, The Christian Fact as a Historical Event: Patristic and Contemporary Perspective, 323-333. G. MARTZELOS, Ursünde und Erlösung nach den griechischen Kirchenvätern, 335-354. D. BATHRELLOS, Love and Forgiveness versus Justice and Punishment? Purgatory and the Question of the Forgiveness of Sins at the Council of Ferrara-Florence, 355-374. W. BASCHKIROW, Der Tod des Menschen im Heilsplan Gottes: Der metaphysische und sittlich-geistige Aspekt, 375-388. D. MUNTEANU, Theosis und Perichoresis in den Theologien von Gregor von Nazianz und Maximus Confessor, 389-405. Communiqué, 407416. Berichte, 417-431. Register, 433-447]. GATHER J., The Recitation of the Psalms among Early Christian Ascetics, in Orthodox Monasticism Past and Present, 43-66. [Origen on the interpretation of the Psalms. St. Athanasius on the interpretation of the Psalms. The communal setting of early Christian asceticism. Evagrius Ponticus. Conclusion. – «The recitation of the Psalms, whether in private or public, was seen to draw Christians into the world of the Psalmist and to reflect back to them their own struggles and also how these might be overcome. It was seen as a spiritual practice that promised to bring humans face to face with the healing presence of the Son himself and, by so doing, to

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ADAMANTIUS 21 (2015) reverse their internal fragmentation. Importantly, psalmody also allowed the faithful to engage in the divine task of neighbourly outreach and reconciliation» (p. 65)]. GAYTÁN LUNA J.A., Fin del mundo y destino final del hombre. La exégesis escatólogica de 1 Ad Corinthios 7,31, y 15,50 en la literatura cristiana antigua (Patrologia. Beiträge zum Studium der Kirchenväter, 31), Peter Lang Edition, Frankfurt am Main 2014, pp. 285. [Introducción, 7-14. Visión general de 1 ad Corinthios y particular de los pasajes 7,31; 15,50, 15-21. Capítulo Primero. 1 Cor. 7,31 en el ambito del uso gnóstico de Pablo: vestigios y sospechas: 1. Evangelium veritatis, 2328; 2. Tertuliano, 28-36; 3. Acta Pauli 2,5-6, 36-39; 4. Nota conclusiva, 39-41. Capítulo Segundo. Ireneo de Lyon, la primera reflexión ortodoxa de 1 Cor. 7,31: 1. Ireneo de Lyon, 43-58; 2. El pasaje 1 Cor. 15,50, en el Adversus haereses, 58-70; 3. El pasaje 1 Cor 15,50, en Clemente Alejandrino y en Tertuliano, 70-75; 4. Nota conclusiva, 76-78. Capítulo Tercero. Orígenes, una perspectiva ortodoxa diferente: 1. 1 Cor. 7,31, en los escritos de Orígenes, 79-97; 2. El pasaje 1 Cor. 15,50, en los escritos de Orígenes, 98-115; 3. El pasaje 1 Cor. 15,50, en los escritos de Metodio de Olimpo y de Epifanio de Salamina, 115-122; 4. Nota conclusiva, 122-125. Capítulo Cuarto. La consolidación de las dos líneas exegéticas entre los siglos III y IV: 1. 1 Cor. 7,31, en la línea exgética gnóstico-espiritual (Eusebio de Cesarea, Hilario de Poitiers, Dídimo de Alejandría, Basilio de Cesarea, Ambrosio de Milán, Macario de Magnesia, Gregorio de Nisa), 128-156; 2. 1 Cor. 7,31, en la línea exegética judaico-material (Metodio de Olimpo, Agustín de Hipona), 157-167; 3. 1 Cor 7,31, aplicado en sentido exhortatorio-moral (Cipriano de Cartago, Basilio de Cesarea, Ambrosio de Milán, Agustín de Hipona), 168-184; 4. El pasaje 1 Cor. 15,50, en Agustín, 184-206; 5. Nota conclusiva, 206-210. Conclusiones, 211-215. Apéndice, 217-222. Bibliografía, 223-263. Índices, 265-285]. Gregory of Nyssa. Contra Eunomium III ! 21.3. Gregorio di Nissa The Harp of the Prophecy. Early Christian Interpretation of the Psalms, Ed. by B.E. DALEY S.J. and P.R. KOLBET (Christianity and Judaism in Antiquity Series, 20), University of Notre Dame Press, Notre Dame/Indiana 2015, pp. xvi+332 (=The Harp of the Prophecy. Early Christian Interpretation of the Psalms). [Acknowledgments, xi-xii; List of abbreviations, xiii-xvi. P.R. KOLBET, Introduction, 1-9. 1: B.E. DALEY, Finding the Right Key: The Aims and Strategies of Early Christian Interpretation of the Psalms, 11-28. 2. G.A. ANDERSON, King David and the Psalms of Imprecation, 29-45. 3. R.E. HEINE, Restringing Origen’s Broken Harp: Some Suggestions Concerning the Prologue to the Caesarean Commentary on the Psalms, 47-74. 4. P.R. KOLBET, Athanasius, the Psalms, and the Reformation of the Self, 75-96. 5. L. DYSINGER, Evagrius Ponticus: The Psalter as a Handbook for the Christian Contemplative, 97-125. 6. N.V. HARRISON, Gender Allegories in Basil of Caesarea’s Homily on Psalm 45, 127-148. 7. D.G. HUNTER, The Virgin, the Bride, and the Church: Reading Psalm 45 in Ambrose, Jerome, and Augustine, 149-174. 8. R.R. COX, A Sharp Pen versus Fragrant Myrrh: Comparing the Commentaries of Cyril of Alexandria and Theodore of Mopsuestia on Psalm 45, 175-190. 9. J.J. O’KEEFE, Theodoret’s Unique Contribution to the Antiochene Exegetical Tradition: Questioning Traditional Scholarly Categories, 191-203. 10. M. CAMERON, The Emergence of Totus Christus as Hermeneutical Center in Augustine’s Enarrationes in Psalmos, 205-226. 11. M.C. MCCARTHY, An Ecclesiology of Groaning: Augustine, the Psalms, and the Making of Church, 227-256. 12. P.M. BLOWERS, A Psalm “Unto the End”: Eschatology and Anthropology in Maximus the Confessor’s Commentary on Psalm 59, 257-283. Aid to Numbering Psalms in Early Christian Sources, 285-286. Bibliography, 287-314. List of Contributors, 315-318. Scripture Index, 317-325. General Index, 326-332]. KLUG S., Alexandria und Rom. Die Geschichte der Beziehungen zweier Kirchen in der Antike ! 10. Cristianesimo alessandrino e ambiente egiziano (4. La chiesa alessandrina: istituzioni, dottrine, riti, personaggi e episodi storici) LANG B., Die Bibelkommentare der Kirchenväter (ca. 200-600). Kleines Kompendium mit Forschungsstand und Beispieltexten, in Kommentare in Recht und Religion, herausgegeben von D. KÄSTLE und N. JANSEN, in Zusammenarbeit mit R. ACHENBACH und G. ESSEN, Mohr Siebeck, Tübingen 2014, 57-97. [I. Historischer Überblick, 58: 1. Die Zeit der Kommentare, 58-61; 2. Die Erfindung des christlichen Bibelkommentars: Herakleon, Hippolyt, Origenes, 62-63; 3. Geschichte und Ziel der Kommentierung, 63-65. II. Die Bibelkommentare nach ihren Gattungen, 65: 1. Der theologische Kommentar, 66-70; 2. Der homiletische Kommentar, 71-74; 3. Das Scholion – der Kurzkommentar, 74; 4. Fragen und Antworten – der Problemkommentar, 74-75; 5. Katene – die aus Kommentaren erstellte Anthologie, 75-76. III. Literatur im Umkreis der Kommentare, 76: 1. Vorwort, 76-78; 2. Lehrbuch, 78-79; 3. Abhandlung über biblische Realien, 79-80. IV. Rezeption und Bedeutung der Bibelkommentare, 80: 1. Die Leser der antiken Bibelkommentare, 80-84; 2. Das Ende der frühen Bibelkommentierung, 84-86; 3. Kulturbedeutung der Kommentare – Noch einmal: die Zeit der Kommentare, 86-88. Anhang: Ausüge aus Bibelkommentaren und verwandten Texten aus der Zeit der Kirchenväter, 88: Text 1. Theologischer Kommentar – Auszug aus Hippolyts Kommentar zum Buch Daniel, 88-89; Text 2. Theologischer Kommentar – Vorwort und Anfang des Kommentars von Theodor von Mopsuestia zum Titusbrief, 89-90; Text 3. Theologischer Kommentar – Auszug aus Augustins

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REPERTORIO BIBLIOGRAFICO Über den Wortlaut der Genesis, 90-91; Text 4. Homilie-Anfang der 1. Homilie des Origenes über das Buch Jesaja, 91-92; Text 5. Scholion – Auszug aus dem Psalmen-Scholion des Hieronymus, 92-93; Text 6. Fragen und Anworten (Problemkommentar) – Frage 14 aus den Fragen und Antworten zu den Evangelien von Eusebius von Caesarea, 93-94; Text 7. Vowort – Vorwort des Hieronymus zum Buch Jesaja, 94; Text 8. Lehrbuch – Auszug aus den Instituta regularia divinae legis des Junilius Africanus, 95; Text 9. Katene – Auszug aus der anonym kompilierten altpalästinischen Katene zu Psalm 118, 95-96; Text 10. Glossse – Auszug aus der Glossa ordinaria des Anselm von Laon, 96-97]. Il Logos di Dio e il logos dell’uomo. Concezioni antropologiche nel mondo antico e riflessi contemporanei, a cura di A.M. MAZZANTI (Temi metafisici e problemi del pensiero antico. Studi e testi, 135), Vita e Pensiero, Milano 2014, pp. 397 (= Il Logos di Dio e il logos dell’uomo). [A.M. MAZZANTI, Introduzione, 5-6. M. MORANI, Physis e natura, divagazioni semantiche su una parola, 7-27. B. CONTIN–P. PONTANI, Osservazioni preliminari sul rapporto tra armeno ban e greco λόγος e sue implicazioni nell’elaborazione del pensiero etico e politico armeno, 29-46. C. BAFFIONI, Ragione umana e logos divino nel pensiero islamico: alcuni aspetti, 47-61. L. TROIANI, Osservazioni sopra la cornice storica di IV Maccabei, 6371. M. MORISI, Εὐσεβὴς λογισμός nel IV libro dei Maccabei: la ragione nella fede e la ragione per la fede nell’obbedienza alla Legge, 73-112. R. FRÍAS URREA, Il Manuale di Epitteto. Dall’«autocontrollo» greco-romano all’«etica della grazia» cristiana, 113-124. M. FATTAL, Le logos discursif et la pensée intuitive (noêsis) de l’homme chez Plotin, 125-149. A. PENATI BERNARDINI, Per «allargare» l’uso della ragione: il rapporto tra l’intelletto e l’anima nella Lettera a Marcella di Porfirio, 151-155. G. BENDINELLI, Ireneo di Lione. Il Logos di Dio e il logos nell’uomo, 157-182. R. SOMOS, Divine and human logos in Origen’s theory of knowledge, 183-205. Y. DE ANDIA, Ἀντώνιος ὡς ὑπὸ λόγου κυβερνώμενος (Vita Antonii 14,4), 207-224. L. LUGARESI, Il logos di Basilio: fede, cultura e amicizia nell’Or. 43 di Gregorio Nazianzeno, 225-246. I.L.E. RAMELLI, Il logos umano in Origene e Gregorio di Nissa: il dibattito con il neoplatonismo «pagano», 247-274. G. MASPERO, L’uomo e la Trinità: logos e schesis nelle analogie psicologiche greche, 275-298. G. KENDEFFY, Rationes chez saint Augustin. Problèmes épistémologiques et anthropologiques, 299-313. G. ASSORATI, Il rapporto fra l’uomo e Dio in S. Pietro Crisologo, 315-319. A. MALAVOLTA, Il λόγος alle radici della matematica, 321-326. C. DI MARTINO, Nascita e destino del Logos, 327-344. A.M. MAZZANTI, 345-356. Indici (a cura di M. MORISI), 357-392]. Mani in Dublin ! 3. Gnosticismo, ermetismo e manicheismo MASPERO G., L’uomo e la Trinità: logos e schesis nelle analogie psicologiche greche, in Il Logos di Dio e il logos dell’uomo, 275-298. [1. Introduzione. 2. Aristotele e il nous. 3. Plotino e il logos. 4. La riflessione trinitaria del sec. IV. 5. Gregorio di Nissa. 6. Analogie psicologiche greche. 7. Conclusioni. – Abstract: «According to Aristotle the First Principle has no virtue and no faculties. These are linked to potentiality and cannot be present in the only One which is pure act. This means that the human and the Divine are conceived as opposed. God and the world are connected in a necessary way, so that from the metaphysical point of view differences between them have to be stressed. The human being should renounce to humanity in order to become perfect and develop only the divine element. Plotinus’ philosophy widened the gap between the One and the world, linking logos only to multiplicity. These metaphysical positions were relevant for Trinitarian theology. Eusebius of Caesarea fought Marcellus of Ancyra’s parallelism between Divine and human logos, having recourse to the potentiality of the latter. The Cappadocians developed an extension of Greek ontology, that recognized a new status to relationship. This should no more be necessarily an accident. In this way both logos and virtues could be predicated of the triune God. That made possible the development of Trinitarian analogies which link the psychological structure of human immanence to God’s immanence. Examples can be found from Gregory of Nyssa and Gregory of Nazianzus, in the fourth century, to Anastasius Sinaita, in the seventh. According to this ontological position the human being can become perfect not abandoning what is human in order to become more similar to God, but just delving into what is more human to find access to the Divine»]. La mémoire des persécutions. Autour des livres des Maccabées, sous la direction de M.-F. BASLEZ et O. MUNNICH (Collection de la Revue des Études juives, 56), Peeters, Paris-Louvain-Walpole/MA 2014, pp. x+406 (= La mémoire des persécutions. Autour des livres des Maccabées). [M.-F. BASLEZ–O. MUNNICH, Introduction, v-x. M. SARTRE, Histoire et mémoire(s) des Maccabées, 1-20. D. GERA, The Seleucid Road towards the Religious Persecution of the Jews, 21-57. S. HONIGMAN, The Religious Persecution as a Narrative Elaboration of a Military Suppression, 59-76. M.-F. BASLEZ, «Vivre en citoyen selon les coutumes ancestrales»: les enjeux du dossier documentaire conservé dans le deuxième livre des Maccabées, 77-90. I. ASSAN-DHÔTE–J. MOATTI-FINE, Le vocabulaire de la guerre dans le premier livre des Maccabées. Étude lexicale, 91-106. N. HACHAM, The Anti-Judaism of the Alexandrian Court and the Oniad’s Creative Surge: What Can We Know about the Oniads’ Literature?, 107-117. C.-G. SCHWENTZEL, Les choix identitaires des Hasmonéens d’après leurs images monétaires, 119-132. K. TREHUEDIC, Une mémoire des Maccabées dans le

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ADAMANTIUS 21 (2015) livre d’Esther? Occultation de la propagande hasmonéenne, 133-154. P. ABADIE, Le premier livre des Maccabées: une écriture entre mémoire et relecture, 155-164. K. BERTHELOT, Histoire et mémoire des guerres hasmonéennes dans le judaïsme d’époque hellénistique et romaine, 165-181. O. MUNNICH, Le premier livre des Maccabées, entre fresque dynastique et traditions rabbiniques, 183-229. M. HADAS-LEBEL, Hanoukka: de la «fête de la Dédicace» à la «fête des lumières», 231-238. C. MÉZANGE, L’héritage des Maccabées chez les résistants juif antiromain du Ier siècle après J.-C., 239-254. B. ECKHART, Martyrdom and the Opposition to Herod the Great, 255269. D.R. SCHWARTZ, Martyrdom in the First Book of Maccabees, 271-280. D. JAFFÉ, From the Maccabees to the Rabbinic Judaism: Canonicity, Martyrology and the Story of a Reinvented Tradition, 281-299. É. NODET, Le quatrième livre des Maccabées: d’une Judée oubliée à la philosophie pieuse, 301-316. C. SOMENZI, Du martyre des Maccabées à la tradition chrétienne: la question des «idolothytes», 317-327. S. BROCK, Eleazar, Shmuni and Her Seven Sons in Syriac Tradition, 329-336. R. ZIADÉ, Le culte de la Mère des Maccabées dans la vallée de la Qâdisha (Liban) à l’époque médiévale, 337-345. G. NAUROY, Du héros juif au saint chrétien: l’appropriation du martyre des frères Maccabées par Ambroise de Milan, 347-370. G. DORIVAL, Origène, lecteur du premier et deuxième livres des Maccabées, 371-383. R. COURTRAY, Les Maccabées dans l’œuvre de Jérôme: de la libération juive à la véritable victoire dans le Christ, 385-397. M.-F. BASLEZ–O. MUNNICH, Conclusion, 399-404]. Le myrte & et la rose. Mélanges offerts à Françoise Dunand par ses élèves, collègues et amis, Réunis par G. TALLET et C. ZIVIE-COCHE (Cahiers «Égypte Nilotique et Méditerranéenne», 9), Université Paul Valéry (Montpellier III)CNRS UMR 5140, I-II, Montpellier 2014, pp. xxvii+461 (= Le myrte & et la rose. Mél. F. Dunand). [Volume 1: Table des matières, i-iii; Abréviations bibliographiques, v-viii; Liste des contributeurs, ix. Introduction: G. TALLET et C. ZIVIE-COCHE, D’une autre rive. Entretiens avec Françoise Dunand, xi-xix; G. TALLET, Bibliographie de Françoise Dunand, xxi-xxvii. I. La société égyptienne au prisme de la papyrologie: A. BÜLOW-JACOBSEN, Texts and Textiles on Mons Claudianus, 3-7; H. CUVIGNY, «Le blé pour les Juifs» (O.Ka.La.Inv. 228), 9-14; A. PAPACONSTANTINOU, Egyptians and ‘Hellenists’: linguistic diversity in the early Pachomian monasteries, 15-21; J.A. STRAUS, Esclaves malfaiteurs dans l’Égypte romaine, 23-31. II. Le ‘cercle isiaque’: C. BONNET, Stratégies d’intégration des cultes isiaques et du culte des Lagides dans la région de Tyr à l’époque hellénistique, 35-40; L. BRICAULT, Les Sarapiastes, 41-49; P. DAVOLI, The Temple of Soknopaios and Isis Nepherses at Soknopaiou Nesos (El-Fayyum), 51-68; M. REDDÉ, Du Rhin au Nil. Quelques remarques sur le culte de Sarapis dans l’armée romaine, 69-75. III. La religion en images: P. BALLET, Une lecture culturelle de la petite plastique dans l’Égypte du nord à l’époque gréco-romaine? Les formes de l’hellénisation, 79-93; R.S. BIANCHI, Replication in Egyptian Art: A Bronze Statuette from Ain al-Labakha Reconsidered, 95-103; C. BOUTANTIN, Quand les animaux singent les hommes. Terres cuites égyptiennes d’époque gréco-romaine, 105127; D. FRANKFURTER, Terracotta Figurines and Popular Religion in Late Antique Egypt: Issues of Continuity and ‘Survival’, 129-141; Z. KISS, Têtes alexandrines, 143-148; K. MACKOWIAK, Singeries et théâtralité: à propos d’une figurine de harpiste hellénistique, 149-160; K. MYŚLIWIEC, Quelques aspects du syncrétisme dans l’œuvre des artisans de l’Athribis ptolémaïque, 161-170. IV. Penser l’histoire des religions: F. BLANCHETIÈRE, Le christianisme, religion orientale?, 173-178; F. BŒSPFLUG, D’Isis lactans à Maria lactans. Quelques réflexions sur deux motifs similaires, 179-197; G. DUCŒUR, Georges Dumézil et le ‘Buddha hésitant’, 199-209; J.-M. HUSSER, Maîtres et disciples dans les milieux apocalypticiens, 211-216; N. SPINETO, Mircea Eliade, Oscar Cullmann et l’opposition entre temps cyclique et temps linéaire en histoire des religions, 217-226. Volume 2: Table des matières, xxix-xxxi. V. Croyances et pratiques funéraires: A. CHARRON, De bien particulières momies animales, 229-247; M. COUDERT, W99: un individu particulier de la nécropole byzantine d’el-Deir (oasis de Kharga), 249-257; J.-L. FISSOLO, Des abeilles et des dieux, 259-274; R. LICHTENBERG, Un nouveau rituel de momification? Quelques questions posées par la radiographie des momies égyptiennes, 275-280; C. SPIESER, La nature ambivalente du sang, du lait, des figues et du miel dans les croyances funéraires égyptiennes, 281-287. VI. Les «îles des Bieneheureux»: G.E. BOWEN, The crux ansata in early Christian Iconography: Evidence from Dakhleh and Kharga oases, 291-303; R. GARCIER–J.-P. BRAVARD, Qu’est-ce qu’une oasis? Réflexions géographiques sur un objet-limite, 305-323; C.A. HOPE, The Kellis 1 Cemetery: Roman Period Burial Practices in Dakhleh Oasis, 325-348; S. IKRAM, Canine Cults in Kharga Oasis: the Dogs of Dabashiya, 349-355; O.E. KAPER, Coffin or Bed? Decorated Biers from Hellenistic and Roman Egypt, 357-370; F. LETELLIERWILLEMIN, Les décors de jours d’el-Deir: une machine à remonter le temps dans l’oasis de Kharga, 371-383; G. TALLET, Fragments d’el-Deir (oasis de Kharga) au tournant de notre ère. À propos de Carl Schmidt et de William Hornblower, 385-412. VII. La place des femmes: D. AGUT-LABORDÈRE–A.-E. VEÏSSE, Grecques et Égyptiennes dans les contrats de prêt aux IIIe et IIe s. a.C., 415-423; C. FÉVRIER-PRÉVOTAT, Du malheur d’épouser une femme riche au temps de Plaute, 425-432; J.-C. GRENIER, l’Égypte et les impératrices..., 433-442; G. HUSSON, Princesses et impératrices dans la nomenclature des tribus et des dèmes d’Antinooupolis, 443-446; C. ZIVIE-COCHE, Une dame lettrée, chanteuse de Hat-mehyt, 447-461]. NERI V., La scelta di Paolino e Melania ed il dibattito contemporaneo sulla pericope del giovane ricco, Adamantius 20 (2014) 366-388.

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REPERTORIO BIBLIOGRAFICO [Abstract: «The article analyzes the influence that a literal reading of the Matthean passage of the rich young man has had on the decision of Paulinus of Nola and Melania junior to sell all their possessions and vice versa the influence that this choice has had on the interpretation of this passage in contemporary patristic literature (Jerome, Augustine, the Pelagian texts). The decision of Paulinus has no comparable example, given his personal economic and social importance, in the previous history of the church and was immediately accepted as an extraordinary novelty by Gallic leading figures as Martin of Tours and Sulpicius Severus and great personalities of the Western church, as Ambrose, Jerome and Augustine. Paulinus himself testifies the decisive weight that had in his choice a reflection on the Gospel passage, at the end of a long crisis produced by painful personal experiences. The similar decision of Melania and her husband Pinianus shows analogies and differences compared to that of Paulinus and was probably, at least partially, inspired by his example. Nevertheless, neither Pauline nor Melania present their choice, while recognizing its great value as a starting point towards a full following of Christ, as the only way of salvation for the rich, thus mitigating its potentially subversive content. These episodes feed in the following decades a heated debate in the western church on the use of wealth and the salvation of the rich. Analysis of the positions about this theme in Jerome, Augustine, and the treatise of Pelagian inspiration de divitiis»]. L’Oriente in Occidente. L’opera di Rufino di Concordia ! 25. Rufino di Aquileia Origene antico e nuovo: Vent’anni del Gruppo Italiano di Ricerca su Origene e la Tradizione Alessandrina / Origen Old and New: Twenty Years of the Italian Research Group on Origen and the Alexandrian Tradition (1994-2014) ! 12. Origene (3. Miscellanee e raccolte) Origene commentatore dei Salmi dai frammenti catenari al codice di Monaco / Origen on Psalms: From the Catenae Fragments to the Munich Codex ! 12. Origene (3. Miscellanee e raccolte) Origenes Humanista. Pico della Mirandolas Traktat De salute Origenis disputatio ! 13. L’origenismo e la fortuna di Origene Orthodox Monasticism Past and Present, Edited by J.A. MCGUCKIN (Gorgias Eastern Christian Studies, 22), Gorgias Press, Piscataway/NJ 2015, pp. xii+588 (= Orthodox Monasticism Past and Present). [Fr. J.A. MCGUCKIN, Editorial foreword, ix-xii. Part One. Ancient Christian Ascetical Theology: K.L. WHIPPLE, Embodying Tradition, Seeking Transformation: Glimpsing Asceticism(s) in the New Testament, 3-20; J.A. MCGUCKIN, Monasticism in the Christian East: an Introduction, 21-34; S.T. THOMAS, ‘Taking Upon the Likeness of Angels’: Asceticism as the Angelical Life in Aphrahat’s Demonstrations, 35-41; J. GATHER, The Recitation of the Psalms among Early Christian Ascetics, 43-66; R. NAJDEK, The Virgins Sing Orthodoxy: Ephrem’s Choirs & the Dissemination of Nicene Thought in Syria, 67-81; Revd. M.J. JETT, The Power to Curse and the Power to Save: The Monk, the Prophet & the Story of Elisha’s Curse of the She Bears (2 Kings 2:23-24), 83-95; J. KHAN, Rhetoric and the Monastic Rule in Byzantium: From Anchoritism to Coenobitism, 97-109; K. MCKEOWN, The Devil in the Desert, 111-126; J. PETTIS, An Ancient Ascetical Drama of Woman and the Dragon: Perpetua’s Rise into the Animus-World, 127-139; V.K. MCCARTHY, The Pure ‘Eye of her Soul’: The Asceticism of the Deaconess Olympias as Reflected in the Writings of the Fathers, 141-158; I.L.E. RAMELLI, Evagrius Ponticus, the Origenian Ascetic (and not the Origenistic ‘Heretic’), 159-224; V. PETRAKIS, Asceticism through the Lens of Anthropology: The Greek Fathers from Justin to Gregory Nazianzen on the Soul and the Holy Spirit, 225-239; Deacon A. THE SHENOUDIAN (A. BIBAWY), St. Shenoute of Atripe and His Monastic Order, 241-260; A.M. ELEGBA, Hagiographic Traditions of Ethiopian Monasticism, 261-289; V. NOVIKOV, The Evolution of Fundamental Christological Elements in the Works of St. Cyril of Alexandria, 291-312; E. ARTEMI, Humanity’s Reconciliation with the Divine through the Mystery of the Incarnation of the Word in the Thought of St. Isidore of Pelusium & St. Cyril of Alexandria, 313-329; H. HUNT, The Monk as Mourner: St. Isaac the Syrian & Monastic Identity in the 7th C. & beyond, 331-341; K. MCCRAY, The Dying Church: Hierarchy as SelfSacrifice in Pseudo-Dionysius, 343-356; J. PACKWOOD, Plotinus and the Essence – Energeia Distinction: A Neoplatonic Influence on Dionysius Areopagita, 357-367; L.J. SALÉS, Maximos and Neurobiology: A Neurotheological Investigation of Asceticism as Erosion of the Passions & the Gnomic Will, 369-377; G. TUCKER, Converting the Use of Death: The Ascetic Theology of St Maximus the Confessor in Ad Thalassium 61, 379-394; Z. UGOLNIK, The Monk Philosopher in Ya!yá ibn "Adī (d. 974) and Severus Ibn al-Muqaffa’ (d. c. 987), 395-410; A.J. ELIA, What is the ‘Breath of God’? – Bibliographic Theology in Armenian History from Astvacashuntch to St. Grigor Narekatsi’s The Book of Sadness, 411-422; V. Rev. Ž. JAKOVLJEVIĆ, A Royal Family: The Significance of Saint Sava and his Parents for the Establishment of Serbian Monasticism and the Serbian Church, 423-432; M. MCCARTHY, The 15th Century Typikon of Neilos Damilas for the Convent of the Mother of God on Venetian-Crete, 433-443. Part Two. Monastic Reflection and Modernity: Metrop. JONAH (PAFFHAUSEN), Contemporary Monasticism: Why Join a Monastery?, 447-454; His Grace The Rt. Revd. M. DRAGOI, A Triptych of Contemporary Romanian Spiritual Elders, 455-469; T. DAMIAN, The Beauty of Silence in Christian Monastic Tradition, 471-484; C.D.L. JOHNSON, The ‘Mystical Mundane’ in Fr. Nikon of

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ADAMANTIUS 21 (2015) Karoulia’s Letters to Gerald Palmer, 485-498; T. JANKOVIC, Purifying the Heart in Order to See: Praxis and Perception in Dostoevsky’s Brothers Karamazov, 499-503; R. MONGE, The Centrality of St. Isaac the Syrian’s Ascetical Theology in Dostoevsky’s The Brothers Karamazov, 505-511; Fr. P.M. PREBLE, Engaged Monasticism: Mother Maria Skobotsova and Twenty-First Century American Orthodox Monasticism, 513-521; J.L. GRILLO, Psychic Crisis in Monastic Communities: The Ascetical Writings of Evagrius of Pontus in the Light of Modern Understandings, 523-533; D. PAHMAN, Markets and Monasticism: A Survey & Appraisal of Eastern Christian Monasticism Enterprise, 535-561; T. GREY DEDON, Spiritual Warfare and the Struggle for Apatheia, 563-572; N. SAMARAS, The Concepts of Time As Applied to Monasticism & Asceticism, 573-581. Note on the Contributors, 583-588]. The Oxford Handbook of Maximus the Confessor ! 36. Massimo il Confessore Les Pères de l’Église aux sources de l’Europe, Éd. D. GONNET, s.j. et M. STAVROU, Introd. J.-D. DURAND, Les Éditions du Cerf, Paris 2014, pp. 537 (= Les Pères de l’Église aux sources de l’Europe). [J.-D. DURAND, Introduction générale, 7-13. I. Le renouveau des études patristiques au XXe siècle: 1. C. DAGENS, Henri-Irénée Marrou, historien des origines chrétiennes et de l’Antiquité tardive, théologien de l’histoire, 17-35; 2. M. FÉDOU, Le Cardinal Henri de Lubac: Méditation sur les Pères, 37-56; 3. M. ALEXANDRE, Le Père Daniélou: la construction d’une «cohérence intérieure». Mystère de l’histoire et incarnations du christianisme, 57-102; 4. G. COTTIER, Le Cardinal Yves-Marie Congar: «Patristique et vraie réforme de l’Église», 103-120; 5. T. HAINTHALER, Le Cardinal Alois Grillmeier: renouveau de la christologie, 121-146; 6. L. LADARIA, Le Père Antonio Orbe: la gnose et la théologie prénicéenne, 147-174; 7. P. SINISCALCO, Le Cardinal Michele Pellegrino: pastorale et patristique, 175-200; 8. M. STAVROU, La démarche néopatristique de Myrrha LotBorodine et de Vladimir Lossky, 201-225; J. GETCHA, De la Russie à l’émigration. Le père Cyprien Kern, le père Georges Florovsky et les études patristiques russes, 227-242; 10. J. VAN ROSSUM, Mgr Basile Krivochéine et la découverte de saint Syméon le Nouveau Théologien en Occident, 243-257; 11. J.-F. COLOSIMO, Avec Jean Meyendorff, 259-264; 12. V. PAGLIA, Les patrologues humanistes du XXe siècle, 265-274; 13. K. WARE, Sur les pas des saints Pères, les études patristiques ont-elles un avenir?, 274-289. II. L’ecclésiologie de Cyprien de Carthage (IIIe s.) et son actualité: 14. P. MATTEI, Cyprien, De ecclesiae catholicae unitate, Sources Chrétiennes, n° 500, 293-304; 15. S. KOBIA, Brèves observations sur saint Cyprien et l’unité des chrétiens, 305-307; 16. S. DELÉANI, La Correspondance de saint Cyprien, instrument d’unité, 309-326; 17. B. SESBOÜÉ, Cyprien et l’ecclésiologie contemporaine, 326-339; 18. M. STAVROU, L’unité et la catholicité de l’Église chez saint Cyprien de Carthage, 341-359; 19. J.-N. PÉRÈS, «Noé n’a pas bu de l’eau»: Cyprien de Carthage et les aquariens, 361-371; 20. A. MUSONI, La maternité ecclésiale chez Cyprien de Carthage et ses implications théologiques, 373-407; 21. J.-N. GUINOT, L’Afrique romaine chrétienne dans la collection Sources Chrétiennes, 409-430. III. L’aventure des Sources Chrétiennes hier, aujourd’hui et demain: 22. M. FUMAROLI, La République européenne des Lettres et les «Sources Chrétiennes», 433-448; 23. J.-N. GUINOT, Les «Sources Chrétiennes» hier, aujourd’hui, demain, 449-472; 24. P. POUPARD, Patristique et culture, 473-494; 25. A. RICCARDI, Un vrai ressourcement si on veut aller loin, 494-500; 26. P. BARBARIN, Le défi des «Sources Chrétiennes», 500-503. Conclusion: 27. F. DELAY, Pour saluer les Pères, 507-520. Remerciements, 521-523; Les auteurs et les événements, 525-530]. SCHIRONI F., Greek Commentaries, Dead Sea Discoveries 19 (2012) 399-441. [Introduction. 1. Greek scholarship and its sources. 2. Different genres «commenting on» canonical authors: hypomnemata, glossaries, syggrammata, and other exegetical texts. 3. Formal characteristics of a hypomnema. 4. Language and style of hypomnemata. 5. Content of commentaries: 5.1. Intralingual translations: glossai and paraphrases; 5.2. Orthography and variant readings; 5.3. Myths, geography, realia, ζητήματα and their λύσεις; 5.4. Authenticity of lines and of texts; 5.5. Style and poetics; 5.6. The teachings of the poet; 5.7. Commentaries with a specific focus. 6. Commentaries on technical texts. 7. A long-lasting exegetical legacy: 7.1. Defending one’s author: the allegorical reading; 7.2. Explaining an author with the author himself: the Aristarchean lesson. 8. Conclusions. – Abstract: «This article provides an overview of the genre of “commentary” in ancient Greece. I will first briefly discuss ancient Greek scholarship and, above all, its sources and the issues that modern scholars have to face when dealing with them. Next, I will focus on the physical appearance of Greek commentaries (hypomnemata), and then I will survey some of the most important contents of ancient exegesis (intralingual translations, variant readings, questions about myths, geography and realia, authenticity of lines and entire texts, style and poetics, specific interests of some commentators). Finally, I will highlight the differences between commentaries on literary texts and commentaries on scientific texts and will focus on the two most important legacies ancient Greek commentators left to biblical and Chris- tian exegetes: the allegorical reading and the principle that the words of an author must be interpreted in terms of the author’s words themselves»].

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REPERTORIO BIBLIOGRAFICO Studia Patristica, Vol. LXVI, Papers presented at the Sixteenth International Conference on Patristic Studies held in Oxford 2011, Ed. by M. VINZENT, Vol. 14: Clement of Alexandria. The Fourth-Century Debates, Peeters, Leuven-ParisWalpole/MA 2013, pp. XVI-332 (= Studia Patristica LXVI/14: Clement of Alexandria. The Fourth-Century Debates). Studia Patristica, Vol. LXIX, Papers presented at the Sixteenth International Conference on Patristic Studies held in Oxford 2011, Ed. by M. VINZENT, Vol. 17: Latin Writers. Nachleben, Peeters, Leuven-Paris-Walpole/MA 2013, pp. XVI-440 (= Studia Patristica LXIX/17: Latin Writers. Nachleben). WALLRAFF M., Sonnenkönig der Spätantike. Die Religionspolitik Konstantins des Großen, Herder, Freiburg-BaselWien 2013, pp. 221. [1. Drei Mauern: Wege und Abwege der Konstantinforschung, 7-33. 2. Bischof, Theologe, Lobredner: Euseb von Caesarea, 35-51. 3. Der Weg zur Macht, 53-71. 4. Herrschaftsdarstellung im öffentlichen Raum, 73-98. 5. Militärpolitik und Gesetzgebung, 99-112. 6. Kirchenpolitik und Kirchenbau, 113-135. 7. Traditionelle Kulte, 135-147. 8. Tod und Bestattung, 149-163. 9. Sonnenkönig der Spätantike: Konstantins unorthodoxe Religionspolitik, 165-184. Anmerkungen, 185-198. Literatur, 199-210. Abbildungsnachweis, 211. Register, 213-221]. ZAÑARTU S., La trinidad y la salvación de la carne. Breve visión de conjunto a partir de Adv. Haer. V, 1-14, Teología (Buenos Aires) 115 (2014) 145-155. [El autor nos ofrece en forma sintética el resultado de una larga investigación sobre la salvación de la carne en Ireneo, Adv. Haer. V, 1-14. Contra los herejes, para quienes la carne no tiene ninguna salvación, Ireneo afirma que ésta es salvada por el Espíritu. El hombre es fundamentalmente cuerpo, plasma, creado a imagen y semejanza, por las dos manos de Dios: el Hijo y el Espíritu. Y ambas manos lo salvan. Central es la Encarnación recapituladora, que, a través de la pasión liberadora, culmina en resurrección. La salvación del hombre es progresiva: la carne y el Espíritu mutuamente se van acostumbrando, hasta que la carne, conformada al cuerpo glorioso de Cristo recibe la incorruptibilidad por la visión del Padre. La cita de 1 Co 15, 50 se refiere a los carnales y no a la carne en sí. El trabajo es introducido con algunas citas trinitarias de otras partes de la obra de Ireneo, para enmarcar un poco el tema]. 2. Ellenismo e cultura alessandrina BONAZZI M., Eudorus of Alexandria and the ‘Pythagorean’ pseudoepigrapha, in G. CORNELLI, C. MACRIS, R. MCKIRAHAN (eds.), On Pythagoreanism, De Gruyter, Berlin 2013, 385-404. [«If my reconstruction is correct, the pseudo-Pythagorean treatises emerge as belonging more to Platonism than to Pythagoreanism (perhaps as a further chapter in the history of the Platonic-Academic appropriation of Pythagoranism). And this conclusion is extremely important, for they emerge as being an early representative of a substantial turn in the history of Platonism, a turn which would have an important effect on the entire subsequent history of Platonism. The renewed attention to Pythagoreanism and Aristotle may appear banal to our eyes, but it was not obvious in the early Imperial age. Indeed, it caused a real revolution, as can be seen by a comparison between Hellenistic Academic and Imperial Platonist genealogies. In the Hellenistic Academic genealogies no mention was made of either Aristotle or the Pythagoreans (the absence of the latter is even more striking if compared with the many Presocratics claimed as predecessors by Arcesilaus, Carneades and Philo of Larissa), whereas the line Pythagoras – Plato – (Aristotle) was commonly regarded by Platonists of the imperial era as the only possible genealogy. So the emphasis on the ‘Pythagorean Plato’ was part of a polemical debate. Even more important for the history of Platonism is the presence of Aristotle. The relevance of this polemical background has been usually registered by scholars and then dismissed on the tacit assumption that Aristotle is nothing more than a Platonist, or somehow part of the history of Platonism. But was it really so? The issue is as controversial now as it was in Antiquity. Of course, it is not possible to settle the question in the present paper. Here I will conclude simply by saying that the importance of the pseudo-Pythagorean treatises is understood as soon as we acknowledge the importance of this issue. Thinkers such as Eudorus and the authors of these treatises are the first to argue in favour of this view» (pp. 400-401)]. GABRIELSON T.A., A Pagan Prophetess of the Jewish God: Religious Identity and Hellenization in the Third Sibyl, JStPs 24.3 (2015) 213-233. [Abstract: «From a modern point of view, the mixture of Hellenism and Judaism in Sibylline Oracles 3 might appear paradoxical, but not so for the author. It is possible to analyze Jewish religious identity and Hellenization in the Third Sibyl with precision utilizing Ninian Smart's seven marks of religion. In most respects the sibyllist synthesizes the two cultural contexts easily, but the Jerusalem cult is normative for all, and certain Jewish ethics and rituals are prioritized. This helps us understand not only Sibylline Oracles 3 better, but also Second Temple Judaism» (p. 213)].

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ADAMANTIUS 21 (2015) KARADIMAS D., Alexandria and the Second Sophistic, ELECTRYONE 2/1 (2014) 14-36 | http:// www.electryone.gr. [The sophistic movement in Alexandria. The case of the Acta Alexandrinorum. Alexandria and Philostratus. Bibliography. – Abstract: «Alexandria was theoretically an ideal place to become a center of sophistic activity during the period of the Second Sophistic (i.e. the middle of the first century to the third century AD). The fact is, however, that the centers of this cultural, educational, and intellectual activity were to be found in various cities of Asia Minor and Greece (e.g. Athens, Smyrna, Ephesus), while Alexandria is not mentioned among them. Philostratus, who gives a panoramic view of the sophistic movement of this period, does not include any sophists from Alexandria in his list, while the city itself is not mentioned at all. Moreover, Philostratus mentions four sophists from the neighbouring Naucratis, and gives the impression of a certain sophistic activity there, but not in Alexandria. Then, the questions that arise here are whether the sophistic movement had also developed in Alexandria and, if so, why Philostratus does not regard any of its sophists worthy of mention. The existing evidence shows that there was a significant development of the sophistic culture already from the early first century AD. As to the second question, I maintain that there was a clear incompatibility between Philostratus political ideas and the way he understood the role of the sophists, on the one hand, and the general tenets and practices of Alexandrians and Alexandrian sophists, on the other. I argue that this incompatibility was the main reason for Philostratus silence»]. Le myrte & et la rose. Mél. F. Dunand ! 1. Miscellanee e studi di carattere generale MONTANARI F., Dal Peripato ad Alessandria, in ΦΙΛΙΑ. Dieci contributi per Gabriele Burzacchini, a cura di M. TULLI, con la collaborazione di M. MAGNANI e A. NICOLOSI (EIKASMOS. Quaderni Bolognesi di Filologia Classica – Studi 25), Pàtron Editore, Bologna 2014, 79-102. [«L’atteggiamento di Aristotele e di molti intellettuali del Peripato segnò una novità nel quadro culturale greco fra IV e III sec. a.C. L’emergere di interesse per quella che noi chiamiamo “letteratura” nasceva dall’importanza attribuita da Aristotele ai prodotti dell’arte della parola come sfera dell’attività umana ed era profondamente radicata nell’attenzione che egli rivolgeva alle tematiche storico-culturali connesse. Purtroppo della maggior parte dei Peripatetici rimangono solo frammenti, per di più di solito piuttosto scarsi e scarni. Ma in quello che resta delle opere di personaggi come Demetrio Falereo, Dicearco, Prassifane, Cameleonte e altri, troviamo che lo studio della letteratura e dei poeti registra una presenza di significato crescente: metabolizzata sempre più profondamente la lezione di Aristotele, lo studio delle opere poetiche e la ricerca sugli autori è ormai un terreno di comune e feconda frequentazione. Una linea di ricerca che mi pare produttiva e che ho perseguito in alcuni lavori degli ultimi anni è quella di rintracciare passi omerici a proposito dei quali Aristotele stesso o qualcuno dei Peripatetici sollevarono problemi di interpretazione, che furono ripresi e trovarono una continuazione presso i filologi alessandrini. Mi pare una strada che, nella sua concretezza, può dare corpo e contenuto a forme di continuità ben precisa» (p. 80)]. PORRO A., Il silenzio come strategia comunicativa negli Idilli teocritei, in ΦΙΛΙΑ. Dieci contributi per Gabriele Burzacchini, a cura di M. TULLI, con la collaborazione di M. MAGNANI e A. NICOLOSI (EIKASMOS. Quaderni Bolognesi di Filologia Classica – Studi 25), Pàtron Editore, Bologna 2014, 103-113. [«I casi appena analizzati, dei quali si dovrà rilevare la pertinenza pressoché totale all’ambito divino, consentono di apprezzare un aspetto particolare dell’arte di Teocrito, un aspetto che definiremo ‘retorico’, in quanto concernente la dimensione comunicativa. La dottrina degli Idilli si esprime attraverso la capacità di dissimulare i contenuti eruditi mediante l’adozione di strumenti comunicativi apparentemente ‘leggeri’, in connessione con un genere solo apparentemente ‘leggero’, come quello bucolico. Quanto questa dissimulazione corrisponda in realtà ad una adesione alla nuova poetica di stampo callimacheo è stato da tempo dimostrato. Un espediente linguistico come quello della reticenza, nel suo significato più letterale (quello cioè di aposiopesi) o nelle sue forme indirette (consistenti in procedimenti del dire negando di farlo o facendo mostra di voler passare oltre), riflette la ricerca di forme espressive che, rifiutando l’ostentazione di una dottrina, non nascondono e anzi sottolineano con decisione, la sua presenza nel testo, diventando così segnali espliciti di luoghi nei quali – se è lecito introdurre distinzioni che valgono solo sul piano della classificazione astratta – Teocrito poeta bucolico cede senz’altro il passo a Teocrito erudito alessandrino» (p. 112)]. STROOTMAN R., The Dawning of a Golden Age: Images of Peace and Abundance in Alexandrian Court Poetry in Relation to Ptolemaic Imperial Ideology, in Hellenistic Poetry in Context, Ed. by M.A. HARDER, R.F. REGTUIT, G.C. WAKKER (Hellenistica Groningana, 20), Peeters, Leuven-Paris-Walpole/MA 2014, 323-339. [1. Introduction. 2. The Golden Age in Alexandrian poetry. 3. The Golden Age in myth. 4. The Golden Age and imperial ideology. 5. Conquest and the expansion of civilization. 7. (sic!). The king as heros. 8. The king as harbringer of good fortune. 9. The Golden Age of Cleopatra VII. 10. Conclusion. – «Like the other Macedonian dynasties of the Hellenistic East, the rulers of the Ptolemaic Empire explained their imperialist activities in the eastern Mediterranean by claiming that Ptolemaic hegemony secured peace and prosperity. In

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REPERTORIO BIBLIOGRAFICO this ideology, which is commonly found in Ancient empires, the creation of peace and the use of force are interrelated. The king was both victor and savior. He was a heroic spear-fighter who protected his people like a shepherd protects his flock. He was a ‘culture hero’ who expanded the limits of the civilized world through conquest, introducing civilization to barbaric peoples. This two-sided coin of war and peace legitimized the extraction of tribute from conquered territories, particularly Egypt, with which Ptolemaic naval power was financed. To be sure, most of the people actively involved in the Ptolemaic imperial system of the third century indeed benefited directly or indirectly from warfare» (p. 336)]. 3. Giudaismo ellenistico BERTHELOT K., Histoire et mémoire des guerres hasmonéennes dans le judaïsme d’époque hellénistique et romaine, 165-181. [La perception des guerres hasmonéennes chez les auteurs gréco-romains. Échos négatifs des guerres hasmonéennes dans la littérature juive du second Temple. L’appréciation positive des guerres de conquête hasmonéennes: un certain rapport au modèle davidique-salomonien. – «En conclusion, force est de constater que les sources juives datées de la période qui s’étend du IIe siècle avant notre ère jusqu’à la fin de l’Antiquité tardive ne font que rarement référence aux guerres de conquête hasmonéennes. À l’inverse de la mémoire des persécutions édictées par Antiochos IV et des guerres de libération menées par les premiers Maccabées, le souvenir de la période d’expansion territoriale, de Jean Hyrcan à Alexandre Jannée, en est presque totalement absent. La littérature rabbinique évoque ainsi la royauté (malkhut) de la dynastie hasmonéenne (Beit Hashmonaï), mais pas leur territoire, à l’exception de très rares exceptions» (p. 180)]. D’HELT A., La

sibylle «bru et parente de Noé. Fonction de la pseudépigraphie dans les Oracles sibyllins juifs, ETR 138 (2013) 461-473. [Abstract: «Pour comprendre la pratique pseudépigraphique à l’œuvre dans les Oracles sibyllins, Alexandre d'Helt examine d’abord l’originalité de leur pratique par rapport aux écrits apocalyptiques du judaïsme hellénistique, puis les figures mobilisées au sein du troisième livre des Oracles et, enfin, la perméabilité de ces textes aux motifs généralement attribués à la pseudépigraphie» (p. 461)].

HACHAM N., The Anti-Judaism of the Alexandrian Court and the Oniad’s Creative Surge: What Can We Know about the Oniads’ Literature?, in La mémoire des persécutions. Autour des livres des Maccabées, 107-117. [«The city of righteousness» (Is 19:18). The Jews in the Royal Court: endangering or preserving the regime’s stability?: Joseph and Aseneth; The Greek book of Esther. Political clout of the Oniads. – «In this article I sought to indicate a passage of Flavius Josephus that reinforces the hypothesis regarding the existence of an anti-Jewish tendency amongst senior courtiers at the court of Cleopatra III precipitated by the Oniads’ prominence. I also endeavored to discern, within Jewish Hellenistic literature, distinctive traces of the coping strategy adopted by the Oniads’ in particular and Egyptian Jewry in general in contending with these hostile trends. Apparently, different types and sources of hostility and criticism compelled the Oniads to refashion and redefine their identity. As has often been the case throughout history and in life, opposition sparks a creative burst» (p. 117)]. STERLING G.E., From the Thick Marshes of the Nile to the Throne of God: Moses in Ezekiel the Tragedian and Philo of Alexandria ! 7. Filone Alessandrino 4. LXX Septuaginta. Vetus Testamentum Graecum, Auctoritate Academiae Scientiarum Gottingensis editum, vol. VII, 2: Paralipomenon liber II, edidit R. HANHART, Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, Göttingen 2015, pp. v+430. [Vorwort, v. Prolegomena, 11: A. Die Textzeugen, 13-35; B. Die Anlage des Apparates, 36-73; C. Grammatica, 74-110; D. Zeichen und Abkürzungen, 111-122. Ausgabe des Textes, 123-430]. Bible d’Alexandrie. Vision que vit Isaïe, Traduction du texte du prophète Isaïe selon la Septante de A. LE BOULLUEC et P. LE MOIGNE, Index littéraire des noms propres et glossaire de P. LE MOIGNE, Les Éditions du Cerf, Paris 2014, pp. 367. [Traduction: Livre d’Isaïe, 9-145. Étude de A. LE BOULLUEC et P. LE MOIGNE, 147-175: Quelques caractères de la Septante (LXX) d’Isaïe, 149-152; Date de la traduction, 152-157; Le milieu du traducteur, 157-162; Quelques mots sur l’esprit de notre traduction, 163-168; Le texte retenu pour la traduction, 168-170; En conclusion, 170-171. Notes, 172-175. P. LE MOIGNE, Index littéraire des noms propres, 177-312; P. LE MOIGNE, Glossaire, 313-353. Indications bibliographiques, 355-360; Table des entrées de l’index littéraire des noms propres, 361-364; Table des entrées du glossaire, 365-366. – «Le présent ouvrage marque la première étape d’un itinéraire qui doit conduire à l’entrée d’Isaïe selon la Septante dans la collection “La Bible d’Alexandrie”. Il donne la traduction française que nous avons préparée pour ce projet. Notre introduction se borne aux hypothèses concernant les circonstances de la production du texte grec et à des remarques sur sa cohérence formelle. Le glossaire et l’index littéraire des noms de personnes, de peuples et de lieux, tous deux

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ADAMANTIUS 21 (2015) conçus et rédigés par Philippe Le Moigne, veulent mettre en évidence les caractères propres de la Septante d’Isaïe. Nous ne proposons pas encore la comparaison avec le texte hébreu, qui a un rôle capital dans le travail menant à la publication prévue pour “La Bible d’Alexandrie”. Il va sans dire cependant que notre traduction tient compte de la forme de l’original, ne serait-ce que pour identifier et rendre les particularités de l’Isaïe grec. Elle a tiré parti aussi des études syntaxiques et lexicales qui ont accompagné dès ses débuts l’entreprise créée par Marguerite Harl, de même que les autres recherches sur la Septante. Nous avons pris le parti, pour cet ouvrage, de tenir à l’écart la réception chrétienne antique d’un livre de la Bible qui, plus que tout autre, a servi d’assise à la doctrine des continuateurs du mouvement de Jésus. Nous avons tenté de considérer ce texte comme le produit du judaïsme alexandrin qu’il a été à l’origine, au IIe siècle avant notre ère. Nous ne nous sommes pas interdit néanmoins de recourir aux commentaires patristiques pour y chercher les informations philologiques qui pouvaient être utiles. Le détail de ces renseignements et les aperçus de l’interprétation chrétienne sont réservés à “La Bible d’Alexandrie”» (pp. 170-171)]. La mémoire des persécutions. Autour des livres des Maccabées ! 1. Miscellanee e studi di carattere generale ADAMS S.A., Did Aristobulus use the LXX for his citations ! 5. Aristobulo ASSAN-DHÔTE I.–MOATTI-FINE J., Le vocabulaire de la guerre dans le premier livre des Maccabées. Étude lexicale, in La mémoire des persécutions. Autour des livres des Maccabées, 91-106. [La désignation religieuse des adversaires. La désignation religieuse des Maccabées et de leurs partisans. Des guerres racontées à la manière de Polybe: Lexique politique et diplomatique; Des termes techniques; Termes militaires. – «(...) Le double registre, religieux et profane, dans lequel sont racontées les guerres des Maccabées dans ce livre reflète la tension qui traverse un récit où s’entremêlent attachement aux valeurs religieuses spécifiques et entrée inévitable dans le concert des nations» (p. 106)]. BONS E., Die Septuaginta in der neueren Exegese – Forschungsgeschichtlicher Hintergrund, theologische Akzente, gesamtbiblische Perspektiven, VuF 60 (2015) 29-42. [1. Einführung. 2. Vom Vorrang der hebraica veritas zur Notwendigkeit einer neuen Bewertung der Septuaginta: a) Hieronymus: Der Vorrang der hebraica veritas; b) Humanismus, Reformation und Gegenreformation: hebraica veritas und latina veritas; c) Die Notwendigkeit einer neuen Bewertung der Septuaginta. 3. Theologische Aussagen: a) Das Problem der anthropomorphen Rede von Gott; b) Der eine Gott und die Götter; c) Die Gottestitel. 4. Gesamtbiblische Perspektiven]. CACCIARI A., Nuova luce sull’officina origeniana. I LXX e ‘gli altri’ ! 12. Origene (4. Studi) FERNÁNDEZ MARCOS N., El texto griego de Isaías, Salmanticensis 62 (2015) 7-24. [a) Los vestidos de gala y las joyas de las mujeres aristócratas de Jerusalén: Is 3,18-23 en hebreo. b) La descripción de la fauna en el juicio contra Edom: Is 34,11-17 en hebreo. – Summary: «The main translation techniques used in Isaiah-LXX are described. The conclusion is that the translator was a Jewish priest and scribe of Egypt, coming probably from the district of Leontopolis where he carried out his work ca. 140 B.C. Contrary to other Septuagint translators which follow a Vorlage different from the Masoretic Text, the translator of Isaiah in general is faithful to the MT but he interprets the Hebrew oracles as fulfilled in the contemporary events of his world. These characteristics are illustrated by means of three concrete examples»]. MORISI M., Εὐσεβὴς λογισμός nel IV libro dei Maccabei: la ragione nella fede e la ragione per la fede nell’obbedienza alla Legge, in Il Logos di Dio e il logos dell’uomo, 73-112. [1. La ragione nella fede nell’obbedienza alla Legge. 2. La ragione per la fede nell’obbedienza alla Legge. 3. Εὐσεβὴς λογισμός nell’obbedienza alla Legge: una testimonianza esemplare e l’identità religiosa e sociopolitica del popolo giudaico. – Abstract: «According to 4 Maccabees, reason and faith coexist in humans in a non-conflictual relationship, ontologically founded by God in the original anthropological constitution. The man’s νοῦς, in fact, ab origine, has a guide (ἱερὸς ἡγεμών), the reasonable divine Νόμος. The εὐσεβὴς ἄνθρωπος, therefore, in accordance with his ontology, chooses to live by σοφία, that is, in obedience to God and His Law (Νόμος). The martyrs of 4 Maccabees oppose the Greek tyrant Antiochus Epiphanes and face torture and death, rather than transgress the divine Νόμος, tasting pork. They are able to bring to fruition their choice through the use of their εὐσεβὴς λογισμός (the pious reason), constantly “educated” for life in the domain of any suffering for God. Their way of life and their sacrifice are an exemplary witness for every Jew. The martyr becomes εὐσεβὴς ἀνήρ. The choice of the martyrs, moreover, is also in some way an expression of religious and socio-political identity of the Jewish people, which finds its unity in fidelity to the reasonable divine Law»]. MUNNICH O., Le premier livre des Maccabées, entre fresque dynastique et traditions rabbiniques, in La mémoire des persécutions. Autour des livres des Maccabées, 183-229. [Une radicalisation des antagonismes. Une subversion de la Loi mosaïque. Inscription du récit dans la tradition biblique. IV. Une «réduction» du nom Maccabée. Réécriture d’une chronique maccabéenne en une

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REPERTORIO BIBLIOGRAFICO fresque pré-hasmonéenne. La fonction de la référence scripturaire dans la réécriture du premier livre Maccabées. Ouvertures sur le judaïsme rabbinique. – «En conclusion, une hypothèse a guidé cette étude: le premier livre des Maccabées constituerait une réécriture d’une source à dominante historique, comme l’est le deuxième livre, ou même une réécriture de l’ouvrage de Jason de Cyrène qu’abrège et commente l’auteur de ce deuxième livre. Lu dans cette perspective, le texte fait apparaître (ou confirme) les éléments suivants. La réécriture est moins faite dans un style biblique qu’elle ne représente un effort délibéré de penser les événements narrés à l’intérieur de l’histoire biblique dont ils constituent une répétition, Mattathias s’identifiant à Jacob et à Pinhas, Judas au chef de tribu Juda, les adversaires des Juifs à Ésaü, Amalek et aux Philistins. La narration crée une image archétypique de l’ennemi royal mais aussi du peuple ennemi: le récit institue ce qu’on pourrait nommer une “histoire sainte” qui a pour particularité d’inscrire la narration dans une perspective abstraite, quasi éternelle. Un tel constat vaut pour le premier tiers du livre (jusqu’à la purification du Temple), alors que, à partir du chapitre 5, le récit prend un cours plus historique» (p. 225)]. NODET É., Le quatrième livre des Maccabées: d’une Judée oubliée à la philosophie pieuse, in La mémoire des persécutions. Autour des livres des Maccabées, 301-316. [L’historique du livre. L’effacement de l’état hasmonéen et du Temple. Lois juives et philosophie: entre Philon et Josèphe. – «(...) Le propos de cette étude est d’examiner trois points: l’attribution fautive du livre à Flavius Josèphe et l’origine de cette attribution; le désintérêt marqué par ce livre pour le Temple et les Hasmonéens; le souci philosophique de l’auteur, qu’il est intéressant de comparer à Philon. Ce petit livre, qui perd de vue l’histoire politique, Jérusalem et le culte du Temple, est destiné à édifier quiconque est en quête de vérité et de sagesse en proposant un exemple extrême: il s’adresse aussi bien à des juifs qu’à des craignant-Dieu, effectifs ou potentiels. Mais, comme Philon, il n’envisage nullement une conversion formelle au judaïsme» (p. 301)]. OBIELOSI D., Καὶ καθὼς Μωϋσῆς ὕψωσεν τὸν ὄφιν… (John 3,14-15) and the influence of Isaiah 52,135 LXX, EstB 72 (2014) 217-235. [Abstract: «Most scholars believe that Jesus in the New Testament fulfils most Old Testament prophecies. The comparison one sees n John 3,14-15 on the lifting up of the serpent in the desert and the eventual death of Christ on the cross is one of those passages that draw heavily on the OT. The researcher believes that, though the text of John 3,14-15 mentions the molten serpent of Nb 21,4-9, the author of the Fourth Gospel must have been influenced by other OT texts. Source criticism and linguistic analysis of the texts are the major proof of the researcher's position. The tertium comparationis - Serpent and Jesus are critically viewed. Some key terms are exegetically analysed, especially ὑψωθῆναι. A critical look at the Greek words used by John shows a clear rapport with the LXX text of Isaiah 52,13. Thus, the researcher concludes that John was not only influenced by Nb 21,4-9 in his coining of John 3,14-15. He seems to have drawn from other OT texts, especially in his choice of words» (p. 217)]. RAVASCO A., Paul Kahle as a Septuagint Scholar, Henoch 36 (2014) 198-207. [1. Plural and targumic origin of the Septuagint. 2. The «Vulgärtexte». 3. The Lucianic Text. 4. Theodotion. 5. The Twelve Minor Prophets fragments. 6. Origen and the Hexapla. 7. Conclusion. – «Paul Kahle, out of his prolific writings, dedicated a good number of works to the study of the Septuagint, linking his name to the theories about the origin of the Greek version of the Bible. Kahle has been the major exponent of the theory on the plural and targumic origin of the text. Although it was disputed, this theory played a primary role in the study of the origin of the Septuagint. Furthermore, Kahle’s name is linked to the theories on the second and fifth columns of Orige’s Hexapla. This article aims to present an overview of Paul Kahle as a Septuagint scholar»]. SÁNCHEZ W., El influjo helenista en Sabiduría 16,5-14, Franciscanum (Bogotá-Colombia) 57/163 (2015) 259-301. [El presente artículo de investigación presenta una aproximación al tercer díptico de la parte final del libro de la Sabiduría (Sb 16, 5-14), que hace una relectura del episodio de la serpiente de bronce (Nm 21, 4-9), con el fin de constatar la influencia concreta de la cultura helenista en esta sección. Para lograr este objetivo, en primer lugar, se hace una breve presentación del texto, que permite conocer el contexto literario en el que este se encuentra al interno del libro de la Sabiduría, así como sus principales características y dificultades tanto textuales como estilísticas. En la segunda parte del artículo se hacen algunos apuntes exegéticos, con el fin de tener un conocimiento básico del texto en sí mismo, que permitirá después hacer estudios más detallados sobre él. Finalmente, en la tercera parte se presentan los elementos literarios de género, contenido y vocabulario que permiten apreciar el influjo de la cultura helenista tanto en el autor como en su obra. Esta aproximación al mundo helenista se hace mediante el estudio te textos concretos de dicho ambiente especialmente desde un punto de vista literario y religioso]. SCHWARTZ D.R., Martyrdom in the First Book of Maccabees, in La mémoire des persécutions. Autour des livres des Maccabées, 271-280.

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ADAMANTIUS 21 (2015) [Three stories of martyrdom. Noble death versus martyrdom. From glory of God to Hasmoneans’ glory. – «(...) We may conclude that while the Jewish Diaspora of the second century BCE produced a book in Hellenistic Greek that, in adhering to a biblical point of view, bespoke Judaism and, in that context, lionized martyrs who were willing to die for it, Judaea of the same period produced a book in biblical Hebrew that abandoned a central biblical postulate, bespoke instead heroic manly values better at home in Homer, and had little but scorn, or triumphant pity, for pious Jews who, apart from battle, were ready to die for their faith. That should only be expected from a dynasty which, within a generation or two of the time when its founder named his sons Johanan, Simeon, Judas, Eleazar, and Jonathan, saw his grandsons and great-grandsons being named Hyrcanus, Aristobulus, Antigonus, and Alexander. And so it should also be expected, that just as in the literary arena, in 1 Maccabees, the religious served as foils for the Hasmoneans being forced to face religious parties, be they Pharisees of Qumran sectarians, who opposed the new dynasty in the arena of real life. That, however, is another story» (p. 280)]. TROIANI L., Osservazioni sopra la cornice storica di IV Maccabei, in Il Logos di Dio e il logos dell’uomo, 63-71. [Abstract: «The Fourth Book of Maccabees can hardly be regarded as a philosophical treatise. The Christian tradition attributed this to Josephus, and one should study it against the background of the works of the Jerusalemite historian, taking into account that it probably reflected the widespread anxiety and preoccupations of Graeco-Roman Jews in the first century AD, who constantly oscillated between integration and defense of their own law and identity. This dilemma produced, as a corollary, a literature with a strong edifying purpose, that worked decisively against any form of integration. This interesting potential of this literature lies, in my view, in its historical connexions and complexities rather than in the philosophical message per se»]. 5. Aristobulo ADAMS S.A., Did Aristobulus use the LXX for his citations, JSJ 45 (2014) 185-198. [Abstract: «This paper investigates the similarities and differences between Aristobulus’s fragments and the LXX to determine how close Aristobulus’s citations adhere to our LXX text. Having identified specific differences between the texts we will turn our attention to the question of whether or not the text as presented by Aristobulus provides evidence of the use of the LXX, of an alternate Greek version, or of a personal translation. Ultimately, after discussing Aristobulus’s citation technique and the nature of the cited text we will challenge some of the blanket claims of LXX use by scholars and call for greater nuance when discussing this issue» (p. 185)]. 6. Lettera di Aristea BARBU D., Aristeas the Tourist, Bulletin der Schweizerischen Gesellschaft für Judaistische Forschung 23 (2014) 5-12. [«The real Jews behind the Letter, the community at Alexandria, certainly delighted in hearing such a wondrous tale in which the Jews appear as the true paragons of philosophy, and the Jewish Law in Greek is deemed praiseworthy by Greek philosophers and by the Greek king himself. Speaking from the viewpoint of his purported Greek ethnographer, the author of the Letter can point to both the similarities and differences that allow Jews and Greeks to be two distinct cultural identities in a unique cultural environment. Through the voice of his fictive high priest, mediated by his no less fictive Greek tourist, the author of the Letter thus underlined that, by sticking to the Jewish Law and its many rules (and neglecting none of them) the Jews appear not as the tenants of parochial customs, but as a living people of philosophers, exercised in the constant practice of virtue, piety and justice – that is, in the philosophical way of life – and should as such be rightfully praised by the Ptolemaic king, Egyptian priests, and Greek philosophers and tourists alike» (p. 12)]. 7. Filone Alessandrino 1. Bibliografie, rassegne, repertori RUNIA D.T.–BERTHELOT K.–BIRNBAUM E.– GELJON A.C.–KEIZER H.M.– LEONHARDT-BALZER J.–MARTÍN J.P.– NIEHOFF M.R., PEARCE S.J.K.–SELAND T.–WEISSER S., Philo of Alexandria. An Annotated Bibliography 2011, The Studia Philonica Annual 26 (2014) 169-216. 2. Edizioni e traduzioni 3. Miscellanee e raccolte Philo’s Hellenistic and Hellenistic Jewish Sources, The Studia Philonica Annual 26 (2014) 93-167. [G.E. STERLING, Introduction, 93-97. D. LINCICUM, Philo’s Library, 99-114. G.E. STERLING, From the Thick Marshes of the Nile to the Throne of God: Moses in Ezekiel the Tragedian and Philo of Alexandria, 115-133. P. NIETO HERNÁNDEZ, Philo and the Greek Poetry, 135-149. M. COVER, The Sun and the Chariot: the Republic

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REPERTORIO BIBLIOGRAFICO and the Phaedrus as Sources for Rival Platonic Paradigms of Psychic Vision in Philo’s Biblical Commentaries, 151-167]. 4. Studi ASHWIN-SIEJKOWSKI P., Clement of Alexandria on the Creation of Eve: Exegesis in the Service of a Pedagogical Project ! 11. Clemente Alessandrino BARETTA M., Filone, il De vita Mosis e le sue fonti, SCO 60 (2014) 73-97. [1. L’introduzione del De vita Mosis. 2. La conclusione del De vita Mosis. 3. Fonti orali e fonti scritte in Filone. 4. Fonti orali e fonti scritte nell’antichità greco-romana e giudaica. 5. Le motivazioni di Filone. 6. La fonte scritta del De vita Mosis: esempi. 7. Le fonti orali. 8. L’influenza delle fonti greche. 9. Conclusioni. Opere citate. – «Il discorso sulle fonti di Filone non può considerarsi chiuso: gli argomenti toccati sono troppi e inoltre sono numerosi gli aspetti non ancora ben definiti, come lo stato del testo biblico nel I sec. a.C. e d.C., l’attività esegetica della sinagoga, la diffusione degli scritti giudaico-ellenistici. Quel che emerge senza ombra di dubbio è che Filone si rifaceva a diversi tipi di fonti che padroneggiava con abilità e con le quali probabilmente si confrontava ogni giorno: in primo luogo il testo biblico, presumibilmente in lingua greca; poi le opere almeno di alcuni scrittori giudaico-ellenistici, come Artapano ed Ezechiele tragico. Infine, narrazioni orali, volte ad abbellire e a chiarire la storia biblica; così egli si inserisce in una vivace attività esegetica che doveva coinvolgere e appassionare numerosi studiosi dei testi sacri dell’epoca: l’apprezza o la confuta e soprattutto ne trae ricchi spunti di riflessione» (pp. 93-94)]. BRENK F.E., Philo and Plutarch on the Nature of God, The Studia Philonica Annual 26 (2014) 79-92. [«Philo and Plutarch had somewhat different though similar starting points. Philo inherited a long tradition of a monotheistic God, the only one tolerated in official Judaism. On the other hand, the traditional religion for Plutarch was the patrios pistis, “the inherited faith”, which involved a number of different and traditional Pan-Hellenic and local divinities. But elite members of his society were acquainted with the non-traditional “Gods” of Platonism and of Stoicism. In their uniquenes, exalted character, and creativity, these “Gods” resemble the God of Judaism. Philo’s task was primarily to develop a Platonic theology, while Plutarch’s involved leaving the worship of Apollo somewhat intact, while giving a religious dimension to the Platonic God. Unlike Philo, he was caught between “religious Platonism”, the domain of a very small elite, and the traditional polytheism of his culture» (p. 81)]. COVER M., The Sun and the Chariot: the Republic and the Phaedrus as Sources for Rival Platonic Paradigms of Psychic Vision in Philo’s Biblical Commentaries, The Studia Philonica Annual 26 (2014) 151-167. [Philonic questions and Platonic sources. The agôn of Platonic images in Philo’s works. Following Zeus: the heavenly charioteer and the celestial demiurge: The possibility of unmediated vision of God in Philo (Leg. 3.100-101); Phaedran echoes in the Legum allegoriae; Neoplatonic interpretations of the Phaedran Zeus; The sun and the chariot (Praem. 36-46); Addressing a counterexample: limited Mosaic vision in Mut. 7-17. Conclusion. – «Addressing the counterexample of Mut. 7-17 has helped refine our growing list of features that govern Philonic exegesis. Philo’s statements on Moses’s contemplative vision gain an exegetical coherence (if not a philosophical consistency) when one considers: (a) the commentary series, (b) his Platonic intertexts, (c) the biblical figure that serves as contemplative paradigm, (d) the length of his biblical citation, and (e) the primary biblical lemma from Genesis to which the Moses exemplum is subordinated. As regards (b) Philo’s Platonic sources, which have been the primary subjects of this article, one can say in conclusion that the images and narrative contours of the Phaedrus myth, while sometimes at odds with the images from the Republic, ultimately provide the basis for ranking multiple levels of visionary attainment in Philo. The Phaedrus raises the possibility that one might see the really Existent (τὸ ὂν ὄντως). While this idea sits uneasily with the apophatic emphasis of much of Philo’s mystical thought, and while the Phaedrus myth itself might admit other interpretations, Philo did not completely eliminate this Platonic trope from his writings. Faithful to his sources, Philo reserves a place for unmediated vision of the Existent as he interprets the figure of Moses» (p. 167)]. FRIESEN C.J.P., Hannah’s «hard day» and Hesiod’s «two roads»: poetic wisdom in Philo’s De ebrietate, JSJ 46 (2015) 44-64. [Abstract: «In De ebrietate 150, Philo quotes Hesiod’s Works and Days (287, 289-292) in his interpretation of Hannah’s alleged drunkenness in 1 Samuel. These poetic verses contrast the difficulty of the road to virtue with the ease of acquiring wickedness. On Philo’s reading, the misperception of Hannah’s “hard day” by her accuser illustrates the moral lesson of Hesiod, namely, that fools consider virtue to be beyond attainment. In the context of recent interest in the ways in which Philo’s literary methods converge with those of other ancient readers, especially Alexandrian scholars, this study situates Philo’s application of Hesiod’s didactic poetry within its wider history of interpretation. As early as Plato and continuing through Philo’s time, Hesiod’s “two roads” was frequently cited in philosophical discourse and debate. Moreover, analogously to

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ADAMANTIUS 21 (2015) Philo, Alexandrian critics employed this passage in explaining the morality of literary characters. Philo’s use of Hesiod is consistent with this interpretive tradition. At the same time, his originality consists in his creation of a dialogue between Hesiod and biblical narrative in which both voices converge around the same ethical lesson» (p. 44)]. KEDDIE G.A., Paul’s Freedom and Moses’ Veil: Moral Freedom and the Mosaic Law in 2 Corinthians 3.1–4.6 in Light of Philo, JSNT 37 (2015) 267-289. [Abstract: «Whereas 2 Cor. 3.1–4.6 is traditionally understood as a polemic against Judaeans and the Mosaic law, a close examination of its rhetoric of moral freedom in light of nearly contemporaneous philosophers, and Philo of Alexandria in particular, necessitates a different conclusion. As part of his self-depiction as a sophos, Paul critiques Moses’ mediation of the law by invoking Stoic philosophical traditions which relativize slavery and freedom and assert that written codes of law are insufficient for freedom in order to claim that Moses limited divine revelation. In this way, Paul casts Moses’ mediation as a foil for his mediation of the gospel, which allegedly does not limit revelation but affords freedom apart from the written law. Paul never castigates the law or Judaeans; instead, he critiques Mosaic mediation in order to bolster his own authority as a mediator of divine revelation» (p. 267)]. LINCICUM D., Philo’s Library, The Studia Philonica Annual 26 (2014) 99-114. [1. The distribution and frequency of Philo’s citations of and of allusions to non-biblical literature. 2. From encyplopaedia to library: Philo and his books: 1) Lines committed to memory during the course of education; 2) Encounter with texts via the medium of performance; 3) Use of doxographical handbooks; 4) Disputation and study in a house of prayer and school; 5) Re-use of his own notes and excerpta; 6) Reading and returning directly to the continuous written texts. – «... It is reasonable to suppose that, in addition to his own works, Philo will have owned a modest philosophical library that included many works of Plato, but also perhaps works by Empedocles, Heraclitus, Posidonius, and Zeno, as well as others whom he did not find occasion to cite as often. Less certain is whether Philo might have also owned copies of the literary works whose words pepper his prose, but his broad familiarity with the works of Homer and Hesiod suggest it is not improbable. With this in view, therefore, we may be justified in offering the sketch of the rough contours of a bibliotheca philonica»]. LITWA M.D., The Deification of Moses in Philo of Alexandria, The Studia Philonica Annual 26 (2014) 1-27. [Introduction. The deification of Moses in Philo: The theological rationale; The mode of deification: Participation; Preliminaries: Moses as Philosopher-King; Moses as Law-Giver; Moses as Prophet and Priest; Moses’s ascent; The vision of God; Moses’s final deification at death; Burial and deification. Conclusion. – «Philo can assert both a strong doctrine of monotheism and a realistic form of deification without contradiction. In this article I have tried to indicate how this assertion makes theological sense in Philo’s thought world. The three fundamental theological ideas that I have proposed are: (1) the recognition of different levels of deity; (2) the ability to participate in deity; and (3) the notion of shareable and unshareable deity. Given these ideas, Philo could argue (and I argue did) present a form of deificationn that posed no threat to his primal God (the Existent). In fact, Philo presented a form of deification in which Moses did not even directly participate in the Existent at all. In short, my argument is that Moses is deified by participating in the Logos, the Mind of God, and Philo’s “second God”. At his death, Moses was permanently resolved into pure !"#$, the reality of the Logos, and made his enduring ascent to the divine realm» (p. 27)]. NIETO HERNÁNDEZ P., Philo and the Greek Poetry, The Studia Philonica Annual 26 (2014) 135-149. [I. Introduction. II. Philo on Greek poetry. III. Philo and Greek poetry: 1) Direct citations of poetry; 2) Poetical expressions. – «Philo, who, as is well known, follows Plato’s philosophical positions more often than not, has, like Plato himself, an ambivalent relationship to poetry. Beyond the fact that he cites directly and frequently the best Greek poets (from Homer to the tragedians), his own writing is often highly poetical. He uses terms, phrases and constructions that are unique to poetry (often, clearly Homeric), in a way similar to Plato’s own. Philo, nevertheless, does not limit himself to the direct quotation or the clear allusion to previous poetry. He rather uses poetic language in highly creative ways: some of his phrases have a poetic, almost traditional ring to them, but when examined carefully they turn out to be Philo’s own inventions. Thus, he appears to have no superficial acquaintance with the poetic tradition, but rather a deep knowledge of it. And yet, at the same time, in some passages he denounces the false fictions of the poets and of the arts in general, as if he were endorsing Plato’s famous indictment against poetry» (p. 135)]. NODET É., Le quatrième livre des Maccabées: d’une Judée oubliée à la philosophie pieuse ! 4. LXX RADT S., Philon de plantatione 127-129: ein übersehenes Testimonium zu Pindar fr. 31, Mnemosyne 67 (2014) 646647.

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REPERTORIO BIBLIOGRAFICO RAMELLI I.L.E., Philo’s Doctrine of Apokatastasis: Philosophical Sources, Exegetical Strategies, and Patristic Aftermath, The Studia Philonica Annual 26 (2014) 29-55. [Introduction: the notion of apokatastasis and the focus of this essay. Philo’s possible philosophical sources concerning the concept of apokatastasis. Biblical roots of Philo’s doctrine of apokatastasis. Apokatastasis of the soul in Philo. Souls’ illness, death, and restoration. The restoration of Israel in Philo and the Jewish eschatological expectations of his day. The impact of Philo’s apokatastasis notion onto the Christian doctrine of apokatastasis. – «I shall here investigate Philo’s notion of the restoration of the soul and its possible roots in Greek philosophy, in the light of the research I am carrying on into Greek philosophical notions of apokatastasis, as well as in the light of the theme of illness, death, and restoration of the soul in early imperial philosophy (including Roman philosophy). The LXX foundation of this doctrine has to be taken into account as well, but through Philo’s allegorical-philosophical filter. This also seems to be applicable to Philo’s notion of the restoration of Israel (although in this case the terminology of apokatastasis is not used). It will emerge from this examination that Philo, unlike his patristic followers, is far removed from an eschatological orientation as well as from universalism: his concept of apokatastasis bears no relation to the doctrine of the eventual universal salvation, nor to the resurrection of the body, as it does in Origen. Nevertheless, Philo must be credited with being one of the main inspirers of Origen’s thought and exegesis in general, and of his doctrine apokatastasis in particular» (p. 30)]. REDDOCH M.J., Cicero’s De Divinatione and Philo of Alexandria’s Criticism of Chaldean Astrology as a Form of Artificial Divination, Dionysius 32 (2014) 54-70. [Introduction. Artificial and natural divination in Cicero’s De Divinatione. Philo on artificial divination. Chaldean astrology as a form of artificial divination. From Chaldea to natural divination. Conclusion. – «While Philo may have accepted the validity of artificial divination on the basis of cosmic sympathy, he was simply unable to reconcile his monotheistic belief in a personal god with the theological implications of artificial divination. As it was understood within its Greco-Roman philosophical context, artificial suggested a relatively mechanistic and impersonal view of the natural world. This was not a big problem for polytheists because natural phenomena were often directly identified with god(s). But as Philo points out, this is simply incompatible with his understanding of a personal god who created the universe and exerts his influence on it as something other than himself. Philo’s exegesis of Chaldean astrology and Chaldea itself is the most important focus for him to express his theological views in relation to artificial divination. The reason may be precisely because of the widespread reputation of Chaldea for astrology. Philo’s exegesis emphasizes that natural and artificial divination are not only different but actually at odds with one another and somewhat mutually exclusive. When Balaam becomes a prophet, his divinatory powers are usurped. Similarly, one cannot practice natural divination until one has rejected theological views associated with Chaldean astrology and Chaldea itself»]. ROGERS J.M., The Philonic and the Pauline: Hagar and Sarah in the Exegesis of Didymus the Blind ! 23. Didimo il Cieco STERLING G.E., From the Thick Marshes of the Nile to the Throne of God: Moses in Ezekiel the Tragedian and Philo of Alexandria, The Studia Philonica Annual 26 (2014) 115-133. [Verbal parallels. The exegetical traditions. Thematic parallel. Conclusion. – «Had Philo either watched a performance of Ezekiel’s Exagoge or read a copy of the play? I am not asking whether Ezekiel was a major source for Philo’s Life of Moses: the scope and the scale of the two works are so different that this is not a realistic way to pose the question. I am asking whether Ezekiel’s portrait of Moses served as one of the influences on Philo’s portrayal in the Life of Moses. I am inclined to think that it was. The number of verbal parallels and exegetical traditions that the two shared is impressive. Philo did not use Ezekiel’s Exagoge as a basis for his portrait of Moses – the biblical text served this role; however, Philo apparently liked a number of Ezekiel’s turns of phrases and interpretive moves well enough that they became part of his own reading of the story of Exodus. Ezekiel had no authoritative status for Philo; the commentator could depart from him as well as accept him depending on his own judgments. Philo apparently found the retelling of Moses’ birth, the story of the burning bush, and – I think – the dream of Moses intriguing» (pp. 132-133)]. 8. Pseudo-Filone 9. Flavio Giuseppe 1. Bibliografie, rassegne, repertori 2. Edizioni e traduzioni 3. Miscellanee e raccolte 4. Studi

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ADAMANTIUS 21 (2015) BERMEJO-RUBIO F., Was the Hypothetical Vorlage of the Testimonium Flavianum a “Neutral” Text? Challenging the Common Wisdom on Antiquitates Judaicae 18.63-64, JSJ 45 (2014) 326-365. [Abstract: «Even if one accepts the most widespread view about the so-called Testimonium Flavianum (Ant. 18.63-64) – i.e., that the text is basically Josephus’s but with some Christian interpolations – a decision on the nature of the alleged original text is still pending. Although a number of scholars have asserted that it contained some unfavorable references to Jesus, the overwhelming majority assert nowadays that it was originally neutral. The aim of the present discussion is to reassess the contemporary discussion on Josephus’s text in order to ascertain which is the most plausible hypothesis regarding the nature of its Vorlage. This article contends that the arguments advanced to support the view of a “neutral” text do not stand up to close examination, and it offers several reasons indicating that the Vorlage must have been at least implicitly negative» (p. 326)]. ECK W., Flavius Iosephus, nicht Iosephus Flavius, in ID., Judäa – Syria Palästina. Die Auseinandersetzung einer Provinz mit römischer Politik und Kultur (Texts and Studies in Ancient Judaism, 157), Mohr Siebeck, Tübingen 2014, 163-163. FRIEDMAN D.A., Josephus on the Servile Origins of the Jews, JSJ 45 (2014) 523-550. [Abstract: «The story of the Israelites’ slavery in Egypt and subsequent redemption is the central narrative element of the Pentateuch. Josephus’ claim that he was providing an accurate account of the Jews’ ancient history in Jewish Antiquities thus meant that he had to address the Jews’ servile origins; however, first-century Roman attitudes toward slaves and freedmen would have made this problematic for ideological and political reasons. Although Josephus added references to Jews’ slavery to the account of Jewish history in Jewish Antiquities, he appears deliberately to downplay the Jews’ servile origins at key parts of the narrative, including God’s promise to Abraham in Gen 15 and the account of the Jews’ enslavement in Exod 1. Josephus also demonstrates a concern with the servile status of Jacob’s secondary wives Zilpah and Bilhah. The account of Joseph’s life in Jewish Antiquities emphasizes his non-servile qualities and his chance enslavement. Roman hostility to slaves and freedmen, Josephus’ own personal experience of captivity, and the likely presence in Rome of Jewish freedmen might explain Josephus’ sensitivity to the Jews’ servile origins» (p. 523)]. ECKHART B., Martyrdom and the Opposition to Herod the Great, in La mémoire des persécutions. Autour des livres des Maccabées, 255-269. [Josephus, his sources, and resistance against Herod. Martyrs and superstition. Robbers in Galilee – and resistance against images again. Maccabean echoes and suicidal trends. – «The criticism voiced in some parts of Roman literature was not grounded in the author’s fear that an unambiguously positive evaluation of suicide would be provocative for an emperor, but in the observation that suicide does not help in abolishing an unjust regime. One should also separate political suicide from dying for the law by the hands of tyrants. Josephus’ unequivocal statement on martyrdom in Contra Apionem seems to take this difference into account: From their birth, Jews consider their laws as decisions by god, and are willing to die for them, if necessary. Neither Jotapata nor Masada, where political or personal freedom was at stake, fall into this category. The theatre-scene and the eagle-affair do, at least as they are presented in the Antiquitates. But it took Josephus some work to get there» (pp. 268-269)]. HACHAM N., The Anti-Judaism of the Alexandrian Court and the Oniad’s Creative Surge: What Can We Know about the Oniads’ Literature? ! 3. Giudaismo ellenistico MASON S., The Priest Josephus Away from the Temple: A Changed Man?, RdQ 103 (2014) 375-402. [Abstract: «Michael Tuval's recent book, From Jerusalem Priest to Roman Jew (Tübingen, 2013), offers a sweeping reinterpretation of the works of Josephus in the context of Diaspora Judaism. Developing approaches initiated by Daniel R. Schwartz, Tuval understands Josephus to have undergone a dramatic change of identity between the composition of his two major histories, from being a temple-centered Jerusalem priest to embracing the temple-less values of his adoptive Judaean home. This article works through some issues of method and considers illustrative texts to test the explanatory hypothesis. It sympathetically challenges both Tuval's portrait of Diaspora Judaism and his explanation of Josephus' works against that background» (p. 375)]. OLSON K., A Eusebian Reading of the Testimonium Flavianum, in Eusebius of Caesarea: Tradition and Innovations ! 19. Eusebio di Cesarea REEDER C.A., Gender, War, and Josephus, JSJ 46 (2015) 65-85. [Abstract: «In accordance with traditional Greco-Roman constructions of gender, the Roman victory in the First Jewish Revolt left the Jews emasculated. In Jewish War, Josephus reconstructs the masculinity of the Jews through descriptions of their daring raids, courageous fighting, and the choice of death over surrender; by

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REPERTORIO BIBLIOGRAFICO depicting the loyal Herodian rulers as undeniably masculine, the Jewish women as unquestionably feminine, and the rebel leaders as dishonorably effeminate; and finally, by exploiting the inherent contradictions in Roman military masculinity. According to Jewish War, the Jews as a whole can be honorably masculine despite the failure of the revolt, a conclusion supported by the further development of Jewish masculinity in Josephus’s later writings» (p. 65)]. TROIANI L., Osservazioni sopra la cornice storica di IV Maccabei ! 4. LXX 10. Cristianesimo alessandrino e ambiente egiziano 1. Il contesto religioso egiziano Le myrte & et la rose. Mél. F. Dunand ! 1. Miscellanee e studi di carattere generale 2. Il periodo delle origini CRAWFORD M.R., Ammonius of Alexandria, Eusebius of Caesarea and the Origins of Gospels Scholarship Eusebio di Cesarea

! 19.

3. Gnosticismo, ermetismo e manicheismo Mani in Dublin. Selected Papers from the Seventh International Conference of the International Association of Manichaean Studies in the Chester Beatty Library, Dublin, 8-12 September 2009, edited by S.G. RICHTER, C. HORTON, K. OHLHAFER (NHMS, 88), Brill, Leiden-Boston 2015, pp. xviii+459. [List of figures, ix-xi; List of abbreviations, xii-xiii; List of contributors, xiv-xvi; Preface, xvii-xviii. C. HORTON, The Lost Religion of Light: The Interpretation of Manichaean Manuscripts for a General Audience, 1-6. S.A.L. ARNOLDI, Der Kampf Augustins gegen die Manichäer: Das Beispiel der Schrift De Genesi contra Manichaeos, 7-18. B. BENNETT, The Physics of Light, Darkness and Matter in John the Grammarian’s First Homily against the Manichaeans: Early Byzantine Anti-Manichaean Literature as a Window on Controversies in Later Neoplatonism, 19-33. F. BERMEJO, Primal Son, Son of God: From Explicit to Implicit Christian Elements in Manichaeism, 34-46. I. COLDITZ, The Abstract of a Religion or: What is Manichaeism?, 47-70. J.K. COYLE (†), Biblical Pseudepigrapha among North African Manichaeans, 71-100. J.-D. DUBOIS, A Possible Liturgical Context for the First Hymn to Jesus in the Chinese Manichaean Hymnbook (Col. 6-44), 101-109. D. DURKIN-MEISTERERNST, Abecedarian Hymns, a Survey of Published Middle Persian and Parthian Manichaean Hymns, 110-152. J. EBERT, Individualisation of Redemption in a Manichaean Painting from Ningbo, 153-160. M. FRANZMANN, Kephalaia 55 and the Great Free Woman: Concepts of Seclusion and Public Exhibition in Relation to Women and Female Figures in Manichaean Texts, 161-168. Z. GULÁCSI, Images of Jesus in Manichaean Art, 169-195. G. KÓSA, Two Manichaean Judgment Scenes – MIK III 4959 V and the Yamato Bunkakan Sandôzu Painting, 196-227. M. XIAOHE, Remains of the Religion of Light in Xiapu County, Fujian Province, 228-258. G. MIKKELSEN, Recent Research on Chinese Manichaean Texts, 259-272. W.B. OERTER, Fragen an Kephalaia Kapitel 151 (ed. Funk) – Kephalaia Kapitel 154 (ed. Schmidt/Polotsky) Revisited, 273-283. N.A. PEDERSEN, Syriac Texts in Manichaean Script: New Evidence, 284-288. C. RECK, Sogdian Manichaean Confessional Fragments in Sogdian Script in the Berlin Turfan Collection: The Fragments of the Xwâstwânîft, 289-323. F. RUANI, The «Seal of the Mouth» in the Anti-Manichaean Polemic of Ephrem the Syrian, 324-337. C. THEODOROU, The Concept of Body and the Body of Christ in the Manichaean Coptic Psalm-Book, 338-358. A. LE TIEC, La manifestation de l’image dans l’«Homélie sur la Grande Guerre», 359-370. W. YUANYUAN–L. WUSHU, The Last Remains of Manichaeism in Villages of Jinjian County, China, 371-388. Y. YOSHIDA, Southern Chinese Version of Mani’s Picture Book Discovered?, 389-398. Plates, 399-446. Index locorum, 447-455; Index rerum, 456-459]. CAHANA J., Androgyne or Undrogyne?: Queering the Gnostic Myth, Numen 61 (2014) 509-524. [Abstract: «The androgyne, whether as a symbol, a concept, or a bodily reality, appears to be employed in different and sometimes apparently contradictory ways within gnostic discourse. On the one hand, the heavenly father himself is an androgyne (Holy Book of the Great Invisible Spirit 51–52); the divine Barbelo, herself, is a “mother-father” and a “thrice-named androgyne” (Apocryphon of John 12.1–8), and Adam can only long for his ungendered days, when s/he was higher than the creator god (Apocalypse of Adam 64.5– 65.25). On the other hand, we also learn that Ialdabaoth himself, that same evil material creator, the most abject entity in gnostic myth, is also an androgyne (Hypostasis of the Archons 94.8–19). This apparent discrepancy serves as the focal point of this paper, which aims to explain the complex, albeit largely consistent, use of the concept of the queered gender in gnostic myth. By reading this myth according to its internal order of events, I attempt to show that gnostic androgyny, far from being a ratification of GrecoRoman discourse (as has been sometimes suggested), is actually a subversion of this very discourse, constructed so as to reify the gnostic disapproval of an important Greco-Roman cultural premise – one that

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ADAMANTIUS 21 (2015) has been aptly defined by David Halperin as “the ancients’ deeply felt and somewhat anxiously defended sense of congruence between a person’s gender, sexual practices, and social identity” (1990:23)»]. CHIAPPARINI G., Sulle tracce di un Valentinianesimo ‘perduto’ di metà II secolo: il problema della datazione della ‘Lettera dottrinale valentiniana (Epiph. Haer. 31,5-6), Adamantius 20 (2014) 288-305. [1. Un documento unitario di un unico autore. 2. Il rapporto con Eugnostos (NHC III,3 e V,1) e Sophia Jesu Christi (NHC III,4; BG 8502,3). 3. La misteriosa traslitterazione finale in lingua siriaca. 4. La LDV e le diverse ipotesi circa la dottrina originaria di Valentino. 5. La LDV era nota a Ireneo? 6. L’atteggiamento favorevole verso la Grande Chiesa. 7. Osservazioni conclusive. – Abstract: «The mysterious and problematic ‘Valentinian doctrinal letter’, transmitted by Epiphanius, Haer. 31,5-6, is one of the few original documents of Valentinianism. In spite of his quality of a direct source, among scholars is dated about the middle of the third century and considered entirely ancillary. However, the doctrine contained in it was known to Irenaeus, who mentions it in Haer. I 12,1-3. This doctrine could refer to a kind of ‘lost’ Valentinianism, distinct from that defined as ‘classic Valentinianism’, and probably closer in many respects to the original thought of Valentinus. The ‘Valentinian doctrinal letter’ is a valuable document of a Valentinianism more ‘orthodox’, probably overshadowed by the more ‘heretic’ doctrine of Irenaeus, Haer. I 1-8 and of the Hippolytus’ report, that better adapts itself to be used by heresiologists as polemical target. Indeed, it is a response to certain tendencies within the Valentinian circles towards a gradual and ever increasing pleromatic hypostatization. The ‘Valentinian doctrinal letter’ doesn’t depend on the Coptic treatises of Nag Hammadi Eugnostos and Sophia of Jesus Christ and can be dated shortly after the middle of the second century at the latest»]. – Il divino senza veli. La dottrina gnostica della ‘Lettera valentiniana’ di Epifanio. Testo, traduzione e commento storico-religioso, Panarion 31 5-6 (Studia Patristica Mediolanensia, 29), Vita e Pensiero, Milano 2015, pp. xiii+278. [Premessa, ix. Sigle e abbreviazioni, xi-xiii. I. Una lettera problematica e negletta, 3-13. II. Ricostruzione del testo greco e traduzione, 15-39. III. Un testo genuino tra oscurità e forzature, 41-60. IV. Una ‘piccola apocalisse’ in forma di lettera, 61-83. V. La dottrina: una peculiare rivisitazione della protologia valentiniana, 85-169. Conclusioni, 171-181. Appendice I. I valentiniani di Irenaeus, Adv. Haer. I 12,1-3, 183-208; II. Schemi cronologici e dottrinali, 209-215; III. Tabella delle corrispondenze con l’edizione di Holl, 217-218. Bibliografia, 219-242. Indici, 243-278]. DUNDERBERG I., Gnostic Morality Revisited (WUNT, 347), Mohr Siebeck, Tübingen 2015, pp. vii+244. [Acknowledgments, v-vii. Introduction, 1-17. 1. Moral progress in early Christian stories of the soul, 19-38. 2. Judas’ anger and the perfect human, 39-56. 3. Early Christian critics of martyrdom, 57-78. 4. Gnostic interpretations of Genesis, 79-91. 5. Johannine traditions and apocryphal gospels, 93-116. 6. Stoic traditions in the school of Valentinus, 117-135. 7. Valentinian theories on classes of humankind, 137-148. 8. Paul and Valentinian morality, 149-168. 9. New Testament theology and the challenge of practice, 169-189. 10. How far can you go? Jesus, John, the Synoptics and other texts, 191-208. Bibliography, 209-226. Index of ancient sources, 227-240. Index of modern authors, 241-244. – «The chapters in this book are, with one exception, previously published. I have made only a few modifications to the original publications, and only when I felt there was something obviously wrong in the original» (p. vi). Il cap. non ancora pubblicato è il nr. 8]. FÖRSTER N., Prayer in the Valentinian Apolytrosis: A Case Study on Gnostic Identity, in Early Christian Prayer and Identity Formation, 325-342. [Introduction. Valentinian prayer and cultic practice. Irenaeus and Hippolytus on the Marcosians. Apolytrosis – the Marcosian death ritual. The Marcosian formula of Apolytrosis – Its content. Secrecy, bishops and marcosian ritual. Identity and Apolytrosis. – «With the help of special rites and teachings I have just described Marcus’ circle could establish and stabilize itself within a Christian community. At least at the beginning before the office of bishop as mentioned by Hippolytus had developed, Marcus and his adherents considered themselves to be Christians and led, so to speak, a double life, with their Gnostic knowledge making them, at least in their own eyes, a kind of Christian elite» (p. 339)]. GAYTÁN LUNA J.A., Fin del mundo y destino final del hombre. La exégesis escatólogica de 1 Ad Corinthios 7,31, y 15,50 en la literatura cristiana antigua ! 1. Miscellanee e studi di carattere generale GROSSO M., The Apostle and the Apostate. On the Use of Some Pauline Epistles in the Gospel of Judas, Rivista di storia del cristianesimo 10 (2013) 131-146. [1. Gos. Jud. 33,22-34,2. 2. Gos. Jud. 34,22-35,6. 3. Gos. Jud. 38,14-23. 4. Gos. Jud. 40,18-26. – Abstract: «In the quantity of source-critical investigations on the Gospel of Judas, up to the present day little attention has been devoted to the possible influences of the Corpus Paulinum. Nevertheless, despite its sharp polemic against a soteriological system based on the sacrificial atonement accomplished by the Christ and its Eucharistic perpetuation (a pivotal element in Paul’s theology), a number of expressions in this treatise echo the Apostle’s language. This article uncovers four punctual allusions to passages of the Corpus Paulinum which in the light of their contexts must be intentional: Gos. Jud. 33,22-34,2 (cfr. 1 Timothy 4:7b-8); 34,22-35,6 (cfr. Ephesians

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REPERTORIO BIBLIOGRAFICO 4:13); 38,14-23; 40,7-16 (cfr. Romans 6:18-19; 1 Thessalonians 2:3); 40,18-26 (cfr. Galatians 2:17). A contextual reading of these expressions shows that the author of the Gospel of Judas used Paul’s letters as a common ground with his opponents (often with the purpose of reversing their arguments and of condemning their moral faultiness). In this treatise’s compositional process the Corpus Paulinum thus did not play a generative role; instead it was used primarily as a polemical tool»]. PAINCHAUD L., La Bibliothèque Copte de Nag Hammadi a 40 ans ! 0. Bibliografie, repertori e rassegne; profili di studiosi PIRAS A., Manicheismo (Saggi, 56), La Scuola, Brescia 2015, pp. 172. [Cap. I. La storia della religione nei suoi momenti fondamentali, 5-77. Cap. II. La dottrina, 79-150. Cap. III. Persistenze, influenze, riverberi, attualità, 151-159. Bibliografia, 161-172]. PLEŠE Z., Evil and Its Sources in Gnostic Tradition, in Die Wurzel allen Übels. Vorstellungen über die Herkunft des Bösen und Schlechten in der Philosophie und Religion des 1.-4. Jahrhunderts. Ratio Religionis Studien III (Studien und Texte zu Antike und Christentum, ), hg. von F. JOURDAN u. R. HIRSCH-LUIPOLD, Mohr Siebeck, Tübingen 2014, 101132. [Evidence from hostile sources: anthropomorphic fallacies of Gnostic theodicy. Evidence from primary sources: gnostic taxonomies of evil: 1. Malum metaphysicum; 2. Malum ratiocinativum; 3. Malum physicum; 4. Malum morale. Conclusion. – «There is one recurrent theme, a Leitmotiv, that characterizes the Gnostic accounts of evil – the theme of ignorance (ἄγνοια) as the symptom of an internal split, of a divided self. This ignorance manifests itself already at the level of the absolute One, in the impossibility of closing the irreducible gap between its unlimited potency that lacks ontological consistency and its inadequate symbolic (“aeonic”) representation. At the level of the rational cosmic agency (Sophia, Logos), ignorance arises from an impetuous attempt at articulating the transcendent One – an attempts which collapses back into itself and ends up in the cleavage between a flawed idealized projection (rational “likeness”) of the One and its unaccountable remainder (“dark matter”). Finally, ignorance defines the situation of the immortal souls sent down to the world on a salvific mission, but soon finding their true spiriatual ‘selves’ disoriented and divided, seduced by the cunning power of their bodily prison» (p. 132)]. TROIANO M., De la substancia del diablo. Orígenes y la dinámica del sistema valentiniano de las tres naturalezas ! 12. Origene (4. Studi) 4. La chiesa alessandrina: istituzioni, dottrine, riti, personaggi e episodi storici BARKMAN H., The Church of the Martyrs in Egypt and North Africa: A Comparison of the Melitian and Donatist Schisms, Journal of the Canadian Society for Coptic Studies 6 (2014) 41-58. [Introduction. Expansion and support. Interactions with the imperial government. Conflict with mainstream Christian authorities. Conclusion: The Church of the Martyrs as a limiting identity. Bibliography. – Abstract: «Although Christianity became a religio licita under Constantine in 313, this did not lead to the establishment of a single version of Christianity. Indeed, the end of the imperial persecutions saw increasing tensions between diverse Christian groups and their beliefs and practices. In both Egypt and North Africa, these disagreements hardened into schisms with the emergence of the rigorist Melitians in Egypt and Donatists in North Africa. While mainstream opponents named these groups by their leaders, the groups identified themselves as the “Church of the martyrs”. The Melitians remained a minority group while the Donatists grew to become the majority Church in North Africa for much of the fourth and early fifth centuries. This article will compare the main issues involved in each schism in order to provide insight into some of the complex issues facing Christians in Egypt and North Africa in the fourth century. It also addresses the question why the Donatists were able to exert influence within their province than the Melitians»]. KLUG S., Alexandria und Rom. Die Geschichte der Beziehungen zweier Kirchen in der Antike (JAC.E - Kl. R., 11), Aschendorff Verlag, Münster 2014, pp. ix+573. [Vorwort, v. 1. Einleitung, 1-15. 2. Rahmenbedingungen und Voraussetzungen, 16-47. Erster Teil: 3. Die Anfänge, 51-103; 4. Liturgische Ähnlichkeiten, 104-114. Zweiter Teil: 5. Die alexandrinische Markuslegende und die Rolle des Petrus, 117-172. Dritter Teil: 6. Das 4. Jahrhundert: Die Kirchenpolitik zwischen Alexandria und Rom, 175-276. Vierter Teil: 7. Das 5. Jahrhundert: Der Rangstreit zwischen Alexandria und Konstantinopel und die Rolle Roms, 279-488. 8. Ausblick, 489-496. 9. Schluss: «... Eins sein im Denken und Handeln?», 497-506. 10. Bibliographie, 507-559. Register, 561-573. – «Als zentrales Kennzeichen der Beziehungen zwischen Alexandria und Rom kristallisierte sich eine doppelte Spannung zwischen Nähe und Distanz sowie zwischen vermeintlicher ‘Tradition’ und kirchenpolitischer Unabhängigkeit heraus. Diese Spannung zieht sich gleichsam wie ein roter Faden durch die gesamte spätantike Geschichte der beiden Kirchen. Insbesondere wird sie in der Praefatio zu Leos Antwortbrief an Dioskur erkennbar, die dadurch nochmals in einem anderen Licht erscheint. “Eins sein im Denken und Handeln” und “Ein Herz und eine

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ADAMANTIUS 21 (2015) Seele”, wie Leo die Beziehungen nach Alexandria im biblischen Sinne verstanden haben wollte, erwies sich sowohl für Leos Episkopat als auch für die Zeit seiner Vorgänger als ein frommer ‘römischer’ Wunsch. Dieser wurde nicht zuletzt deswegen nur sporadisch Wirklichkeit, weil damit aus der Perspektive Dioskurs – und auch bestimmt aus der seiner Vorgänger – ein gewisser ‘fader Beigeschmack’ einherging: der ideologische Anspruch auf römische Oberhoheit über Alexandria, gekleidet in die berühmten Worte der urchristlichen Brüderlichkeit und Glaubensgemeinschaft» (p. 506)]. MARAVELA A., Christians Praying in a Graeco-Roman Context: Intimations of Christian Identity in Greek Papyrus Prayers, in Early Christian Prayer and Identity Formation, 291-323. [1. Introduction. 2. Greek Christian prayers from Late Roman and Early Byzantine Egypt. 3. Christian identity in papyrus prayers. 4. Alterity in papyrus prayers. 5. An unmixed identity? 6. Conclusions. – «Greek Christian papyrus prayers are potentially important witnesses of Christian identity formation in the expansive and soulsearching period from the third to the late fourth/early fifth century. The fragmentary state of much of the material, the many open questions regarding historical contexts and above all, the fact that Christians pray to God first and foremost to petition or thank him, not to give an account of identity, means that what has eventually been teased out may be no more than intimations of identity, mere glimpses into the collective selfconcepcion and consciousness of the Egyptian Christian orants» (p. 319)]. MARKESINIS B., Les débuts du monoénergisme. Rectifications concernant ce qui s’est passé entre Cyrus d’Alexandrie, Serge de Constantinople et St. Sophrone de Jérusalem, AB 133 (2015) 5-22. [Summary: «The article shows that St Sophronius met Cyrus of Antioch after the Union (3 June 633) between the Chalcedonians and the Theodosians had been signed. The letter of Cyrus which Sophronius brought to Sergius of Constantinople after the failure of his meeting with Cyrus cannot be identified as the Ep. ad Sergium CP (CPG 7611) as Grumel and Winkelmann considered: it was another letter, the existence of which had already been postulated by Hefele, a short extract of which is preserved in the Acts of the Lateran Council of 649. Neither can the letter forbidding all discussion of one or two operations in the two natures of Christ, which Sergius sent to Cyrus after his meeting with Sophronius, be identified as the Ep. ad Cyrum Alex. (CPG 7605)»]. 5. Il monachesimo Con i Padri nel deserto (Storia dei monaci in Egitto) (Scritti monastici, 44), Edizioni Scritti Monastici, Abbazia di Praglia 2015, pp. 168. [(S. DI MEGLIO), Introduzione, 5-17. Storia dei monaci in Egitto, 19-163. Nota bibliografica, 165. Indice generale, 167-168. – «La presente traduzione, a cura di Salvatore di Meglio, è stata condotta sul testo critico edito da A.-J. FESTUGIÈRE, Historia monachorum in Aegypto (Subsidia Hagiographica 34), Bruxelles 1961. Del volume è sua anche l’Introduzione. Le note al testo sono a cura della Redazione» (p. 4)]. ALCIATI R., Il Cassiano greco di Panayotis Tzamalikos ! 0. Bibliografie, repertori e rassegne; profili di studiosi ALEO F., Legge naturale e legge divina in un Logos dello pseudo-Macario Egizio (Log. I, Coll. III), Aug. 53 (2013) 427438. [Abstract: «An erotapòkrisis of the Corpus macarianum presents an exegesis and interpretation of Rm 2,14b as found in an ascetical brotherhood with origins in the fourth century. The lemma forms the beginning of the erotapòkrisis and invites a single response. The Author orients this lemma toward a moral, ascetical and “spiritual” interpretation of the natural law and the divine law written in the conscience, one which is obscure and not entirely comprehendable by moderns. The exegetical and hermeneutical procedure at work in the text may offer a suggestion for further reflection and reconsideration of the environment and identity of the author, as well as of the origins of those writings comprising the Corpus macarianum»]. Deacon A. THE SHENOUDIAN (A. BIBAWY), St. Shenoute of Atripe and His Monastic Order, in Orthodox Monasticism Past and Present, 241-260. [The Vita Sinuthii. A chronology of Shenoute’s life. Shenoute’s monastic order: the White Monastery federation. The structure of the federation. The daily schedule of monastic life. Rules concerning health care and food. Shenute’s disciplinary canons. Shenoute’s care of the poor. Shenoute’s opposition to paganism. Conclusions. – «Unfortunately, until the past decade or two we have had to rely on the major focus of earlier scholarship on Shenoute which had caricatured his strict rule as violent and deranged, and his theology (bizarrely since it is passionate and devout) as ‘Christ-less’. His personality was described as an ‘erupting volcano’ (given his use of corporal punishment, his protocol of expulsion for severe crimes, and his orchestration of the raiding of pagan sites). Most of this depiction of him as an ‘undesirable’ was massively colored by anachronistic expectation of the tenor of ancient societies, and a strange set of adjudications from those who professed to be historians. Today, some of the latest scholarship that has studied Shenoute’s life and ministry from the larger store of manuscripts now available, has begun to put his behavior, teaching, and

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REPERTORIO BIBLIOGRAFICO theology in the perspective of his own words and times thereby giving him a greater depth, and allowing us a deeper appreciation» (pp. 259-260)]. BRAKKE D., Macarius’s Quest and Ours: Literary Sources for Early Egyptian Monasticism, Cistercian Studies Quartely 48 (2013) 239-251. DAVIS S.J., Completing the Race and Receiving the Crown: 2 Timothy 4:7-8 in Early Christian Monastic Epitaphs at Kellia and Pherme, in Asceticism and Exegesis in Early Christianity, ed. H.-U. WEIDEMANN (NTOA, 101), Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, Göttingen 2013, 334-373. [Introduction. The material context: monasticism and monastic archaeology at Kellia and Pherme. The inscriptional evidence: nine dipinti citing 2 Timothy 4:7-8 at Kellia and Pherme. 2 Timothy 4:7 at Kellia. Funerary consolation, martyrological discourses and the ascetic life: contextualizing the Egyptian monastic reception and redeployment of 2 Timothy 4:7-8. Crowning glory: visualizing 2 Timothy 4:7-8 in local monastic spaces. Appendix: Nine Coptic dipinti with 2 Timothy 4:7-8 at Pherme and Kellia. – «In this article, I want to take up the call to examine practical settings of biblical interpretation through a particular case study involving early Egyptian monasticism. Instead of searching out lines of exegesis on the page, I want to enter into the actual, lived spaces of early Christian monks and to explore how biblical texts were reinterpreted in and through material realia such as inscriptions and iconographic representation, as well as through communal practices of funerary remembrance and ascetic paraenesis. My primary focus will be citations of 2 Timothy 4:7–8 in epitaphs found at the monastic settlements of Kellia and Pherme in the western Delta of Lower Egypt» (pp. 334-335)]. JOEST C., Die Pachom-Briefe. Übersetzung und Deutung (CSCO, 655. Subsidia, Tomus 133), Peeters, Lovanii 2014, pp. 450. [1. Leben und Lebenswerk Pachoms: 1.1. Das Leben Pachoms, 1-28; 1.2. Das Lebenswerk Pachoms, 29-50; 1.3. Exkurs I: Die Schriften von Nag Hammadi und die Pachomianer, 50-53. 2. Überlieferung, Charakter und Eigenart der Pachom-Briefe, Frage der Echtheit: 2.1. Überleiferung, 55-62; 2.2. Charakter und Eigenart der Pachombriefe, 62-67; 2.3: Die Frage der Echtheit, 67-70; 2.4. Exkurs II: Das Apophthegmenzitat in Brief 3, 7175. 3. Die unverschlüsselten Briefe: 3.1. Die Texte, 77-98; 3.2. Deutung der unverschlüsselten Briefe, 98-218. 4. Die verschlüsselten Briefe: 4.1. Die Texte unter Beibehaltung der Codebuchstaben, 219-227; 4.2. Die Prinzipien der Entschlüsselung, 227-260; 4.3. Die griechischen Codebuchstaben, 260-261; 4.4. Die lateinische Überlieferung, 261-273; 4.5. Die Texte der verschlüsselten Briefe mit Auflösung der Codebuchstaben, 273299; 4.6. Deutung der entschlüsselten Briefe, 299-360. 5. Das Buchstabenquadrat: 5.1. Die koptische, griechische und lateinische Überlieferung, 361-363; 5.2. Das Buchstabenquadrat im Vergleich mit anderen «magischen» Quadraten, 363-365; 5.3. Ist das Buchstabenquadrat in Wirklichkeit ein Zahlenquadrat?, 365369; 5.4. Das Buchstabenquadrat im Rahmen der pachomischen Geheimschrift, 369-376. 6. Die Botschaft der Pachom-Briefe: 6.1. Die Schwierigkeit, Pachoms Briefe zu verstehen, 377; 6.2. Die Praktike à la Pachom: vier Grundgedanken, 378-394; 6.3. Die vier Grundgedanken in den anderen Schriften Pachoms, 394-398; 6.4. Zusammenfassung und Schluss, 398-399. Allgemine Abkürzungen, 401; Serien- und Reihenabkürzungen, 403; Literatur, 405-422. Register, 423-446]. LO IACONO S., Le traduzioni monastiche di Rufino e il suo modello di monachesimo ! 25. Rufino di Aquileia Orthodox Monasticism Past and Present ! 1. Studi e miscellanee di carattere generale PAPACONSTANTINOU A., Egyptians and ‘Hellenists’: linguistic diversity in the early Pachomian monasteries, in Le myrte & et la rose. Mél. F. Dunand, 15-21. [«The production and survival of a rich bilingual corpus of texts associated with Pachomius and his monastic foundations is witness to the continued popularity of the founder of collective monasticism in medieval times, both in the Greek-speaking world and within Egypt itself. Since the late nineteenth century, one of the most persistent discussions concerning that corpus of textes has revolved around determining the form and language of the first biography of Pachomius. James Goehring has given a very lucid overview of the debate as it stands, and there is little point in repeating that exercise here. (...) My aim in this paper is not to discuss yet again the philological relation between the different texts, however important the issue may be for the early history of Pachomian monasticism. Rather, I would like to examine more thoroughly the evidence for bilingualism in the early Pachomian communities, and to assess the scope and relevance of that evidence in our understanding both of linguistic balance in fourth-century Egypt and of the self-image early monasticism strove to create» (p. 15)]. STEFANIW B., The Oblique Ethics of the Letters of Antony, in L’identité à travers l’éthique: Nouvelles perspectives sur la formation des identités collectives dans le monde gréco-romain, eds. K. BERTHELOT, R. NAIWELD, D. STÖKL BEN EZRA (Bibliothèque de l’Écoles des Hautes Études. Sciences religieuses, 168), Brepols, Turnhout 2015, 169-185.

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ADAMANTIUS 21 (2015) [Ethics without instructions. Reception and intertextuality. Historicizing and eschatological narrative. Ethics as knowledge and asceticism. – «In this corpus, ethical transformation is not a matter of performing certain deeds and refraining from others. Rather, the person is to be oriented to a grand narrative of the history of relations between the divine and the human, and to be emotionally involved in that narrative. The ethical program is equivalent to the program of cultivating the identity of privilege and election which corresponds to attachment to the narrative. This is because the urgency of the ethical praxis of asceticism and self-knowledge is directly entailed by the identity of privilege which Antony articulates» (p. 185)]. 11. Clemente Alessandrino ALBANO E., Il mistero della Chiesa, principio di unità della riflessione teologica di Clemente di Alessandria. Note per una possibile lettura storico-teologica, Aug. 53 (2013) 337-373. [Introduzione. I tanti modi di dire la Chiesa. La Chiesa celeste e la Chiesa terrestre. L’unità della Chiesa come opera divina. L’unità della Chiesa come opera umana: la Tradizione vivente. Il canone ecclesiastico. La gerarchia ecclesiastica. L’eresia come divisione della Chiesa. Conclusione. – Abstract: «The article intends to analyse the notion of Church in Clement of Alexandria’s thought. The analysis begins with the biblical images used by the author, i.e., those of the body, mother and spouse, before dwelling on its essential dimensions. The notion of ecclesial tradition emerges as a central theme in this reflection in its formal aspects as well as in its contents. They find their definition and codification in the ecclesiastical canon which makes reference to a correct orthopraxis and, therefore, to a confrontation with heterodoxy. Such an aspect, even though it was only mentioned, allows the ontological-atemporal dimension of the Church to express itself in the visibletemporal dimension, thereby showing the unity of the Church “in its essence, its thought content, its origin and its preminence as a whole”»]. AMSELGRUBER F., «Ulme stützt Winstock». Literarisierung kirchlicher Verkündigung auf der Basis paganer Form (Orbis Antiquus, 47), Aschendorff Verlag, Münster 2015, pp. 398. [Vorwort, 11. Einleitung, 12-19. Teil I. Secundäre Literarisierung in Quis dives salvetur: 1. Vorbemerkungen zu QDS, 20-23; 2. Der Text der Markus-Perikope in QDS 4, 23-55; 3. Die Einbettung des Zitats in den Kontext, 55-70; 4. Die literarische Anlage von QDS 1-27, 70-84; QDS und die kirchliche Verkündigungspraxis, 84-127; 6. Sekundäre Literarisierung in QDS 42, 127-158; 7. Die literarische Gattung von QDS, 158-162. Tel II. Sekundäre Literarisierung im Paidagogos: 1. Der eigentliche ‘Sitz im Leben’ des Paidagogos, 163-218; 2. Die sekundäre literarische Gestalt des Paidagogos, 218-248. Teil III. Zusammenfassende Betrachtungen: 1. Clemens als Literat, 249-254; 2. Literarisierung als ‘spätes’ Phänomen, 254-258; 3. Clemens als Lehrer, 258-284; 4. Clemens als Theologe – Überlegungen zu seiner Methodik, 284325. Fazit, 326-327. Appendix: Zur «Architektur» von QDS, 329; Textkritische Fragen zu QDS 1-3, 330-343. Literaturverzeichnis, 344-376. Stellenindex, 377-398]. ASHWIN-SIEJKOWSKI P., Clement of Alexandria on the Creation of Eve: Exegesis in the Service of a Pedagogical Project, in Studia Patristica LXVI/14: Clement of Alexandria. The Fourth-Century Debates, 53-59. [1. The creation of Eve: Philo’s outline. 2. Evaluation of Clement’s exegesis in the context of his didactic project and theology. 3. The originality of Clement’s approach and its background. 4. Conclusion. – Abstract: «During the second century of the Common Era the Scriptural motif of the creation of Eve (Gen. 1:27 and 2:22-3) received particular attention among exegetes and theologians representing the whole spectrum of Christianity. It served various purposes such as the construction of the feminine as opposed to masculine; a basis for the acceptance or rejection of the possible androgyny of the first human being; the justification or challenging of male dominance in the emerging Christian social and ecclesiastical order. The paper offers insight into some aspects of Clement of Alexandria’s exegesis through which he participated vigorously in the early Christian debate on the creation of Eve and her original nature. The purpose of the paper is to highlight Clement’s creative reinterpretation of the motif. His interpretation served two main purposes: first it promoted Clement’s conviction about women’s potential to progress towards the highest degree of ethical and spiritual excellence. Secondly, Clement’s interpretation challenged the concepts of his direct opponents, such as for instance the Valentinians, who presented a different anthropology, ethics and theory of salvation. My reconstruction of Clement’s exegesis briefly points out limits of his dependence on earlier significant authors such as Philo of Alexandria and Paul the Apostle. In conclusion the paper estimates the value of Clement’s exegesis, as a part of his wider educational project of leading his female disciples to more advance faith and knowledge»]. BATOVICI D., Hermas in Clement of Alexandria, in Studia Patristica LXVI/14: Clement of Alexandria. The FourthCentury Debates, 41-51. [References to Hermas in Clement’s works. Further considerations. – Abstract: «Clement of Alexandria (150215) is listed, without fail, in all commentaries on Hermas among the early authors who held the Shepherd in highest esteem. Yet it is not always an easy task to grasp the meaning of this esteem. My article aims to

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REPERTORIO BIBLIOGRAFICO reassess the peculiar view Clement held about Hermas as an instance of this text’s reception, and thus as a part of the reception history of the Shepherd»]. ČERNUŠKOVÁ V., The Concept of εὐπάθεια in Clement of Alexandria, in Studia Patristica LXVI/14: Clement of Alexandria. The Fourth-Century Debates, 87-97. DAINESE D., Clement of Alexandria’s Refusal of Valentinian ἀπόρροια, in Studia Patristica LXVI/14: Clement of Alexandria. The Fourth-Century Debates, 33-39. –, Le vestigia di una dottrina dell’anima in Clemente Alessandrino. Nota a margine di due incisi sul linguaggio di animali e angeli, Adamantius 20 (2014) 306-321. [Introduzione: due testi lontani, un unico contesto. L’uomo tra angeli e bestie: I dialetti degli animali; La lingua degli angeli. Psicologia e trasmissione della gnosi. La cristologia nel contesto apologetico. Conclusione: apologetica, psicologia, cristologia. – Abstract: «This article focuses on two texts of the Stromateis by Clement of Alexandria (Str. I 21,143 and VI 7,57,4). Although their subjects are completely different (Str. I 21,143 deals with animals’ language while Str. VI 7,57,4 concerns angels’ language), both of them are relevant for Clement’s apologetic and for his doctrine of the soul. I have first analyzed their contents and afterwards I took into consideration Clement’s receiving of several scriptural passages (e.g. 1 Cor 1,24.30) and ancient Christian texts (e.g. Kerygma Petrou), which I investigated in the framework of his psychology»]. EDWARDS R.G.T., Clement of Alexandria’s Anti-Valentinian Interpretation of Gen 1:26-27, ZAC 18 (2014) 365-389. [Introduction. Valentinian interpretation of Gen 1:26-27 in the Excerpta ex Theodoto. Clement’s antiValentinian Exegesis: Gen 1:26-27 and Plato’s Theaetetus 176B. Interpretive privilege of the true gnostic. Conclusion. – Abstract: «Clement of Alexandria’s interpretations of Gen 1:26-27 are made in reaction to what he perceived to be heretical Valentinian interpretations of the same passage. Clement’s notes on Valentinian biblical interpretation, the Excerpta ex Theodoto, contain the content against which he is reacting, which he perceives to be heretical in terms of their determinism: people made according to the “image” and the “likeness” of God consist of two different classes of people, non-Christians and ecclesial Christians respectively. On top of this the Valentinians add one more category of humanity which is according to “its own” nature – this is the category to which the gnostic Christians, the Valentinians, belong. Clement counters this perceived determinism by having “image” and “likeness” correspond to two stages of the Christian life: “faith” (πίστις) and “knowledge” (γνῶσις) respectively. By doing this, he appropriates this aspect of Valentinian theology into his own orthodox – that is, apostolic and ecclesiastical – Christian theological and philosophical project»]. GIBBONS K., Moses, Statesman and Philosopher: The Philosophical Background of the Ideal of Assimilating to God and the Methodology of Clement of Alexandria’s Stromateis 1, VigChr 69 (2015) 157-185. [Abstract: «Clement’s so-called ‘eclectic’ style has long been noted by his modern readers, with several suggesting that this approach reflects his idea of Mosaic philosophy as having been scattered among the different philosophical traditions of his period. Here, I wish to argue that in his portrait of Moses in Strom. 1, Clement draws on Platonic and Stoic sources to provide a coherent picture of what it is to assimilate to God as a unification of the civic and contemplative lives. In doing so, Clement exploits actual historical connections between the two schools in using Stoicism as a hermeneutical lens through which to unify Plato’s dialogues, which themselves offer conflicting interpretations of the relationship between the statesman and the philosopher. This study also hopes to illuminate the ways in which conceptualizations of Judaism at times informed and controlled early Christian constructions of their relationship with pagan culture»]. MONFRINOTTI M., Quis dives salvetur? Ricezione ed esegesi di Mc. 10,17-31, Aug. 53 (2013) 305-335. [Ricezione e citazione dell’Antico Testamento nel q.d.s. Ricezione e citazione del Nuovo Testamento in q.d.s. Mc 10,17-31 nella ricezione biblica del q.d.s. – Abstract: «Clement of Alexandria’s Quis dives salvetur is the first text of Christian literature expressly devoted to the problem of the relationship between wealth and poverty. Clement’s discourse clarifies how he considers the Scriptures as the basis of all pedagogy, inasmuch as they are normative in themselves and esteemed for the absolute value in them that transcends any contingency related to temporal, cultural, historical or sociological situations. This article offers a study of the reception of the Old Testament and New Testament in Clement’s work, focusing on a particolar scriptural text, Mk 10:17-31, that is primary and foundational for all of his thought»]. –, Creatore e creazione. Il pensiero di Clemente Alessandrino (Fundamentis Novis. Studi di letteratura cristiana antica, mediolatina e bizantina, 4), Città Nuova, Roma 2015, pp. 364. [M. SIMONETTI, Prefazione, 9-12. Avvertenze, 13. Introduzione: 1. Letteratura esamerale e dottrina protologica, 15-19; 2. Per una ricostruzione del pensiero protologico di Clemente, 19-24; 3. Il perché di una dottrina protologica, 24-30; 4. Il lessico proto-teologico, 30-40. I. Dio principio, creatore e demiurgo, 41: I.1. L’inconoscibilità di Dio, 43-56; I.2. Il demiurgo, 56-73; I.3. Dio demiurgo e padre di tutte le cose, 73-104; I.4. Dio Logos creatore e principio divino di tutte le cose, 104-154. II. La creazione: II.1. Il creato volontà di Dio,

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ADAMANTIUS 21 (2015) 155-202; II.2. La più grande opera di Dio: l’uomo, 202-240. III. Paradiso e peccato: III.1. Il paradiso, 241-246; III.2. Il peccato, 246-265. Conclusione, 267-276. Bibliografia, 277-314. Indici: 315-319; Indice degli autori antichi, 320-354; Indice degli autori moderni, 355-359; Indice dei termini greci, 360-362]. MULLINS REAVES P., Multiple Martyrdoms and Christian Identity in Clement of Alexandria’s Stromateis, in Studia Patristica LXVI/14: Clement of Alexandria. The Fourth-Century Debates, 61-68. PAREL-NUTTALL K., Clement of Alexandria’s Ideal Christian Wife, in Studia Patristica LXVI/14: Clement of Alexandria. The Fourth-Century Debates, 99-121. PLÁTOVÁ J., Die Fragmente des Clemens Alexandrinus in den griechischen und arabischen Katenen, in Studia Patristica LXVI/14: Clement of Alexandria. The Fourth-Century Debates, 3-9. RESCIO M., Demons and Prayer: Traces of Jesus’ Esoteric Teaching from Mark to Clement of Alexandria, ASEs 31 (2014) 53-81. [I. Mark: A gospel in the shadows. II. Mark 9:28-29 and the story of the possessed boy. III. How to cast out the demons? Jesus’ esoteric instruction in Mark 9:28-29. IV. The reception of Mark 9:28-29 in the first two centuries. V. Conclusions]. RIZZI M., The Work of Clement of Alexandria in the Light of his Contemporary Philosophical Teaching, in Studia Patristica LXVI/14: Clement of Alexandria. The Fourth-Century Debates, 11-17. THATE M., Identity Construction as Resistance: Figuring Hegemony, Biopolitics, and Martyrdom as an Approach to Clement of Alexandria, in Studia Patristica LXVI/14: Clement of Alexandria. The Fourth-Century Debates, 69-85. [1. Theorizing resistance. 2. Biopolitics. 3. Martyrdom. Concluding thoughts. – Abstract: «The aim of this essay is to bring into conversation varying social theories with aspects of Clement’s trilogy. Through the three categories of hegemony, biopolitics, and martyrdom, this paper examines how Clement could be read as offering a subtle and layered evaluation of the complex realities of the rule of empire as it relates to the lifeworld of the Christian. Though exploratory and theoretical, this essay attempts to tease out the strategies and techniques of an early Christian author who was busily working out a complicated discourse on identity formation and direction within life on the colony and amidst competing sub-narratives of gnosis»]. THOMSON S.R., Apostolic Authority: Reading and Writing Legitimacy in Clement of Alexandria, in Studia Patristica LXVI/14: Clement of Alexandria. The Fourth-Century Debates, 19-31. [Clement: doctor of philosophy. Clement the presbyter? Conclusion. – Abstract: «What was the Alexandrian ‘Catechetical School’ like in the second century? What authority did it exercise in the church? This article will explore these questions through the writings of Clement of Alexandria; his works will be read, however, not just as a source for a plausible historical reconstruction, but as a textual embodiment of dynamic relationships, encoding the tensions between author and audience(s), and constructing as well as reflecting debates about authority and tradition. Clement presents himself as the guardian of the apostolic tradition, but one who guards that tradition for a Church much wider than his school: there is a careful negotiation between a teaching authority based on demonstration of elite paideia, and the separate authority structures of an institutional church. The succession of intellectual Christian teachers, educated above and beyond most ordinary Christians, is figured as a necessary conduit between the Logos and the church, but only insofar as those teachers remain in contact with and under the liturgical authority of church office-holders. Through his appropriation of the imagery and metaphorical use of the technical language of church structures, Clement offers a parallel and symbiotic authority. It is a difficult balancing act, and the texts that have come down to us are not just evidence for this delicate claim to apostolic authority, but the means of claiming it, and the method of exercising it»]. 12. Origene 1. Bibliografie, rassegne, repertori JACOBSEN A.-C., The Current State of the International Research on Origen, Adamantius 20 (2014) 444-450. [Philology. Origen’s exegesis. Reception of Origen’s thought. Origen and religious practice. Origen and the Holy Land. Conclusion]. MONACI A., Il Gruppo Italiano di Ricerca su Origene e la Tradizione Alessandrina (1994-2014), Adamantius 20 (2014) 451-455. PISCITELLI T., Senso e atto della preghiera in Origene e negli scrittori cristiani dei primi secoli. A proposito del volume di Lorenzo Perrone, Adamantius 20 (2014) 419-440. [Nota su: L. PERRONE, La preghiera secondo Origene. L’impossibilità donata, Morcelliana, Brescia 2011].

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REPERTORIO BIBLIOGRAFICO 2. Edizioni e traduzioni Origenes Werke, Dreizehnter Band: Die neuen Psalmenhomilien. Eine kritische Edition des Codex Monacensis Graecus 314, Herausgegeben von L. PERRONE in Zusammenarbeit mit M. MOLIN PRADEL, E. PRINZIVALLI und A. CACCIARI (GCS.NF, 19), De Gruyter, Berlin 2015, pp. ix+641. [L. PERRONE, vii-ix. Einleitung: L. PERRONE, I. Codex Monacensis Graecus 314: 29 Psalmenhomilien des Origenes, 1-25; M. MOLIN PRADEL, Der Cod. Graec. 314 der Bayerischen Staatsbibliothek, 27-34; III. E. PRINZIVALLI, L’originale e la traduzione di Rufino, 35-57; L. PERRONE, Zur Anlage der Edition, 59-60; Abkürzungsverzeichnis und Bibliographie, 61-72. Text: Homiliae in Psalmos (Codex Monacensis Graecus 314): Homilia I in Psalmum XV (L. PERRONE), 73-90; Homilia II in Psalmum XV (L. PERRONE), 91-112; Homilia I in Psalmum XXXVI (E. PRINZIVALLI), 113-126; Homilia II in Psalmum XXXVI (E. PRINZIVALLI), 127-138; Homilia III in Psalmum XXXVI (E. PRINZIVALLI), 139-156; Homilia IV in Psalmum XXXVI (E. PRINZIVALLI), 157-172; Homilia I in Psalmum LXVII (L. PERRONE), 173-199; Homilia II in Psalmum LXVII (L. PERRONE), 200-224; Homilia I in Psalmum LXXIII (A. CACCIARI), 225-237; Homilia II in Psalmum LXXIII (A. CACCIARI), 238-251; Homilia III in Psalmum LXXIII (A. CACCIARI), 252-268; Homilia in Psalmum LXXIV (L. PERRONE), 269-279; Homilia in Psalmum LXXV (L. PERRONE), 280-292; Homilia I in Psalmum LXXVI (L. PERRONE), 293-312; Homilia II in Psalmum LXXVI (L. PERRONE), 313-325; Homilia III in Psalmum LXXVI (L. PERRONE), 326-340; Homilia IV in Psalmum LXXVI (L. PERRONE), 341-350; Homilia I in Psalmum LXXVII (L. PERRONE), 351-366; Homilia II in Psalmum LXXVII (L. PERRONE), 367-383; Homilia III in Psalmum LXXVII (L. PERRONE), 384-389; Homilia IV in Psalmum LXXVII (L. PERRONE), 390-408; Homilia V in Psalmum LXXVII (L. PERRONE), 409-419; Homilia VI in Psalmum LXXVII (L. PERRONE), 420-432; Homilia VII in Psalmum LXXVII (L. PERRONE), 433-448; Homilia VIII in Psalmum LXXVII (L. PERRONE), 449-464; Homilia IX in Psalmum LXXVII (L. PERRONE), 465-478; Homilia I in Psalmum LXXX (L. PERRONE), 479-495; Homilia II in Psalmum LXXX (L. PERRONE), 496-508; Homilia in Psalmum LXXXI (L. PERRONE), 509-523. Anhang: Synopse der griechischen und lateinischen Homilia I-IV in Psalmum XXXVI (E. PRINZIVALLI – A. CACCIARI), 525-588; Abbildungen, 589-593. Register (P. BERNARDINI): Sacra Scriptura, 597-619; Origenis Opera, 620-638; Auctores Antiqui, 639-641]. Orígenes. Sobre los Principios, Introducción, texto crítico, traducción y notas de S. FERNÁNDEZ, Prefacio de M. SIMONETTI (Fuentes Patrísticas, 27), Ciudad Nueva, Madrid 2015, pp. 1048. [M. SIMONETTI, Prefacio, 9-13. Siglas y abreviaturas, 15-17. Introducción (19-89): I. Orígenes y el Περὶ ἀρχῶν: 1. Bosquejo de una biografía de Orígenes, 21-26; 2. Las obras de Orígenes, 26-30; 3. El propósito del Περὶ ἀρχῶν, 30-40; 4. Líneas maestras del sistema del Περὶ ἀρχῶν, 40-46; 5. Notas sobre la posteridad del Περὶ ἀρχῶν, 46-52. II. La transmisión del texto del Περὶ ἀρχῶν: 1. La tradición manuscrita del Περὶ ἀρχῶν, 53-63; 2. Los títulos y las divisiones del tratado, 64-77; 3.¿Es confiable la traducción de Rufino?, 77-81. III. Particularidades de la presente edición: 1. Descripción de los aparatos y criterios de edición, 82-86; 2. Opciones tipográficas, 86-87; 3. Características de las notas, 87; 4. Características de la traducción, 87-89. Agradecimientos, 91. Bibliografía, 93-104. Sobre los Principios, Texto crítico, griego y latino, traducción y notas, 105-967. Índices: Índice bíblico, 971-987; Índice origeniano, 989-1007; Índice de obras antiguas, 10091027; Índice de autores modernos, 1029-1032; Índice sistemático de las principales notas, 1033-1037; Índice, 1039-1048]. Origene. Commento al Cantico dei Cantici. Saggio introduttivo, traduzione, note e apparati a cura di V. LIMONE, Presentazione di C. MEZZASALMA, Postfazione di G. CARUSO («Theánthropos». Testi e studi sul cristianesimo antico), Edizioni Feeria – Comunità di San Leolino, Panzano in Chianti (FI) 2014, pp. 429. [C. MEZZASALMA, Presentazione, 7-20. V. LIMONE, Saggio introduttivo: La Sposa e l’Agnello. La mistica di Origene nel Commento al Cantico dei Cantici. Parte I. Il canto del cigno: Le nozze mistiche: la genesi giudaico-cristiana della metafora sponsale, 21-32; Il Commentario di Origene: datazione, struttura, dramma, 32-46. Parte II. Il noûs estatico: Il ‘Prologo in cielo’: Salomone e Platone, 46-62; I volti di Sophía: la Samaritana, la Sposa, l’Emorroissa, 62-80; La doppia estasi dell’anima, 80-90. Parte III. Il banchetto nuziale: «Introducetemi nella casa del vino» (Cant 2,4): la gioia del vino, 90-96; La veste nuziale: un confronto con l’esegesi origeniana di Mt 22,1-14, 90-103. Nota editoriale, 105. Abbreviazioni, 106-107. Origene, Commento al Cantico dei Cantici, 109-383. G. CARUSO, Postfazione: Nel segno dell’amore, 385-411. Indice delle citazioni bibliche, 413-427]. Origene. Commento a Matteo/3: Libri XIV e XV, a cura di G. BENDINELLI, trad. di R. SCOGNAMIGLIO, Note di commento di M.I. DANIELI (Opere di Origene, XI/3), Città Nuova 2015, pp. 291. [G. BENDINELLI, Introduzione: la versione latina del Commentario a Matteo, 7-30. Sigle e abbreviazioni, 31-35. Bibliografia, 37-66. ΩΡΙΓΕΝΟΥΣ ΕΚ ΤΩΝ ΕΙΣ ΤΟ ΚΑΤΑ ΜΑΤΘΑΙΟΝ ΕΥΑΓΓΕΛΙΟΝ ΕΧΗΓΗΤΙΚΩΝ, Commento a Matteo: ΤΟΜΟΣ ΙΔ´, Libro XIV, 68-165; ΤΟΜΟΣ ΙΕ´, Libro XV, 166-291].

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ADAMANTIUS 21 (2015) TZAMALIKOS P., An Ancient Commentary on the Book of Revelation. A Critical Edition of the Scholia in Apocalypsin, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge 2013, pp. xx+464. 3. Miscellanee e raccolte L’Oriente in Occidente. L’opera di Rufino di Concordia ! 25. Rufino di Aquileia Origene antico e nuovo: Vent’anni del Gruppo Italiano di Ricerca su Origene e la Tradizione Alessandrina / Origen Old and New: Twenty Years of the Italian Research Group on Origen and the Alexandrian Tradition (1994-2014), Adamantius 20 (2014) 444-475. [I. Gli studi su Origene: bilanci e prospettive: A.-C. JACOBSEN, The Current State of the International Research on Origen, 444-450; A. MONACI, Il Gruppo Italiano di Ricerca su Origene e la Tradizione Alessandrina (19942014), 451-455. II. Ritratti di Origene: F. COCCHINI, Il ‘mio’ Origene, 455-458; M.I. DANIELI, Incontri con Origene, 458-463; D. PAZZINI, Il mio Origene: lingua e teologia, 464-465; M. RIZZI, Appunti di un origeniano per caso, 466-467; D. VIGNE, Un portrait personnel d’Origène: les trois cercles, 467-470; R. SSCOGNAMIGLIO, Variazioni su Mt 20,1-16: parabola origeniana [CMt XV,28-37], 470-473; L. PERRONE, Conclusione: «Adesso sì che ho cominciato!» (Origene, Omelia II sul Salmo 76), 473-475]. Origene commentatore dei Salmi dai frammenti catenari al codice di Monaco / Origen on Psalms: From the Catenae Fragments to the Munich Codex, Adamantius 20 (2014) 6-287. [C. BARILLI–L. PERRONE, Introduzione, 6-7. Sezione monografica I: G. DORIVAL, Origen in the Catenae on Psalms: I. An Overall Outline, 8-13; C. BANDT, Origen in the Catenae on Psalms: II. The Rather Complicated Case of Psalms 51 to 76, 14-26. J.-M. AUWERS, Origène et la structure littéraire du Psautier, 28-35; F.-X. RISCH, Das Handbuch des Origenes zu den Psalmen. Zur Bedeutung der zweiten Randkatene im Codex Vindobonensis Theologicus Graecus 8, 36-48; O. MUNNICH, La pluralité du texte scripturaire dans l’exégèse origénienne des Psaumes: le témoignage de la Chaîne palestinienne sur le Psaume 118, 49-69; B. VILLANI HANUS, Überlieferung und Auslegung des vierten Psalmes bei Origenes: Katenen und Exzerpierungen, 70-83; L. PERRONE, L’interpretazione origeniana del Salmo 27(28) e il linguaggio della preghiera, 84-110; A. CACCIARI, Il Salmo 35 nell’esegesi origeniana, 112-129; A. FÜRST, Bibel und Kosmos in der Psalmenauslegung des Origenes, 130-146; C. BARILLI, Elementi di filosofia nei commenti di Origene ai Salmi, 147-158; M. GIRARDI, Origene e la Cappadocia. Basilio e l’esegesi ‘alessandrina’ dei Salmi, 160-172. Sezione monografica II: M. MOLIN PRADEL, Il Codex Graecus 314 della Bayerische Staatsbibliothek di Monaco, 173-176; L. PERRONE, «La mia gloria è la mia lingua»: per un ritratto dell’autore delle Omelie sui Salmi nel Codice Monacense Greco 314, 177-193; E. PRINZIVALLI, Il Cod. Mon. Gr. 314, il traduttore ritrovato e l’imitatore, 194-216; A. CACCIARI, Nuova luce sull’officina origeniana. I LXX e ‘gli altri’, 217-225; C. BARILLI, La lingua delle nuove omelie sui Salmi: osservazioni introduttive, 226-237; A. MONACI CASTAGNO, Contesto liturgico e cronologia della predicazione origeniana alla luce delle nuove Omelie sui Salmi, 238-254; A. LE BOULLUEC, La polémique contre les hérésies dans les Homélies sur les Psaumes d’Origène (Codex Monacensis Graecus 314), 256-274; A. FÜRST, Judentum, Judenchristentum und Antijudaismus in den neu entdeckten Psalmenhomilien des Origenes, 275-286]. Origenes Humanista. Pico della Mirandolas Traktat De salute Origenis disputatio ! 13. L’origenismo e la fortuna di Origene 4. Studi AUWERS J.-M., Origène et la structure littéraire du Psautier, Adamantius 20 (2014) 28-35. [1. Les prologues: 1.1. «Mémoire d’Origène sur les psaumes»; 1.2. La notice sur la division en cinq livres; 1.3. Le prologue édité par Achelis. 2. L’exégèse des Psaumes: 2.1. Un livre structuré?; 2.2. La «vertu» des nombres; 2.3. Les cinq livres. – Abstract: « This article proposes a thorough examination of Origen’s explicit declarations about the literary form of the Psalter, focusing on two basic questions: does that collection in his eyes constitute a structured whole or a simple amalgam of psalms? Is the interpretation of single psalms he proposes coherent with or somehow affected by his assumptions and his statements on the Psalter’s organization? As a result, it might be safely concluded that the problem of the Psalter’s literary configuration, which so impassions modern scholars, is hardly of any interest for Origen. He does address it in his prologues, yet his interpretation of the psalms is a verse by verse exegesis which remains quite indifferent to the structure of the collection as a whole»]. BANDT C., Origen in the Catenae on Psalms: II. The Rather Complicated Case of Psalms 51 to 76, Adamantius 20 (2014) 14-27. [1. The catenae material and the manuscript situation. 2. Literal and rewritten fragments. 3. More complex situations of tradition. 4. The exception proves the rule. – Abstract: «Faithfulness towards the text was naturally not the mayor focus of catenae authors – they tend to reshape their sources rather generously in different manners. The situation becomes even more complex when taking into account that later catenae were often composed not from original works but already from catenae material. The article examines the

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REPERTORIO BIBLIOGRAFICO difficulties an editor who can only rely on these late catenae is facing and to which degree if at all we can approximate the original text»]. BARILLI C., Elementi di filosofia nei commenti di Origene ai Salmi, Adamantius 20 (2014) 147-158. [Premessa. Uso dialettico. Uso strumentale. L’inserzione di termini. L’inserzione di definizioni. Il ricorso alle dottrine filosofiche. La filosofia come elemento intrinseco del discorso. – Abstract: «The contribution aims at identifying a number of philosophical elements in Origen’s exegetical works, with a threefold purpose: to collect traces of Origen’s scholarship, to assess a possible indexing of it, and to analyze the way in which Origen interweaves the tools of the Greek thought in the texture of the biblical commentaries. The kinship of Origen with philosophical texts is evident in several ways: a word or a set of words, an entire linguistic register; an image or a metaphor; a concept or a doctrine. The samples presented in this paper are meant to demonstrate the wealth of this material and the different functions that the quotations hold in the structure of Origen’s arguments. An attempt is made to show some variables that allow a catalogue of this material: a) the function of the resumption of philosophical material – erudite. dialectic, polemical, instrumental; b) the mode of insertion of the allusion or quote in the Origenian prose; c) the fact that the author declares the source or, on the contrary, lets the text speak in his place»]. –, La lingua delle nuove omelie sui Salmi: osservazioni introduttive, Adamantius 20 (2014) 226-237. [Lessico familiare. Hapax, neologismi, prime attestazioni. Riflessioni metalinguistiche. Tracce di erudizione. Lessico ‘tecnico’. Conclusioni. – Abstract: «This survey on the words and expressions used in the homilies by Origen highlights interesting features of Origen’s homiletic style, such as richness, variety, technicality. Recipient of this so varied lexicon is a Christian composite community that included different cultural backgrounds. For that reason, the search for a lexicon so precious and sophisticated is amazing. The author introduce himself as !"#$%& '"() *+ ,$-./*/, specialist of the words. The present survey shows that the display of erudition is not an end in itself, it is rather a service to biblical exegesis. The terminology testifies to a rich and diverse culture. While certain terms are an expression of the philosophical koiné of late antiquity, rarity of others and the use of specific linguistic registers are proof of varied set of interests and a vast culture. The homilist reveals that he has acquired his method from the biblical text: his argument is expressed by defying the custom (!"#$%&'(), by abolishing the customary language, and by creating a more expressive one. According to the homilist, it is in the deviation from the standard language that an abyss of meanings opens to the exegete and to the Christian community. The effort of the author toward expressivity, that reverberates on the vocabulary, responds to a double need: to reach the community, to keep alive its attention; to conduct an analysis of the apparent inconsistencies of the biblical text and to bring to light unexpected meanings. Two vectors appear as a way to escape from the customary language: the language of the Greek Bible, a complex work of translation, which, with its neologisms and unusual vocabulary, reflects the mysteries of the Hebrew Vorlage; that of the exegete, who invents expressive ways to reach the community. The last direction of the present research is the history of the terms, in particular from Origen to later ecclesiastical authors, with a particular focus on rare terminology and images»]. BATES M.W., Prosopographic Exegesis and Narrative Logic: Paul, Origen, and Theodoret of Cyrus on Psalm 69:22-23, in Greek Patristic and Eastern Orthodox Interpretations of Romans, ed. by. D. PATTE and V. MIHOC, Bloomsbury, London 2013, 105-134. [I. Psalm 69 in the MT. II. Paul’s exegesis of psalm 69:22-23 in Romans 11:9-10. III. Origen on Psalm 69:22-23 via Rom 11:9-10. IV. Comparison of Origen’s interpretation of Paul with mine. V. Theodoret of Cyrrhus on Ps 69:22-23. VI. Comparison of Theodoret with Paul. VII. Implications. – «All three interpreters express interest in salvation history. Furthermore, they all exegete with respect to controlling narratives: Origen with respect to a hermeneutical narrative which entails the interpretative failure of the Jewish people, Paul and Theodoret with regard to their respective notions of exile and return. Perhaps one of the more suggestive findings was the partial correspondence in the ἱστορία used by Paul and Theodoret, which indicates that it may be fruitful to consult patristic authors when seeking to identify the narrative substructure that undergirds Paul’s exegesis. A second noteworthy point is that Origen and Theodoret both clearly make use of prosopographic exegesis in their treatment of Ps 69. Although prosopographic exegesis is not a technique generally noted by Pauline scholars, Paul does in fact appear to make use of a πρόσωπον in his exegesis of Ps 69:22-23 in Rom 11:9-10 (cf also Ps 69:9 in Rom 15:3). This suggests that patristic exegesis may prove helpful in identifying other instances in which Paul makes use of a πρόσωπον. A final point of correspondence in all three of the early Christian exegeses we have explored is that hey all seemed to understand the Davidic inscription as an important clue» (p. 127)]. BLOWERS P.M., Mystics and Mountains: Comparing Origen’s Exegesis of the Transfiguration and Gregory of Nyssa’s Exposition of the Sinai Theophany, Phronema 30/2 (2015) 1-18.

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ADAMANTIUS 21 (2015) [Origen on the Transfiguration. Gregory of Nyssa on the Sinai Theophany. A concluding comparison. – Abstract: «Origen’s interpretation of the Transfiguration of Christ on Mt Tabor proved to be crucially important for his larger Christology and understanding of the economy of salvation, while Gregory of Nyssa’s interpretation of the Sinai Theophany in Exodus was a key link in his apophatic theology and his understanding of human participation in the mystery of the triune God. This essay compares the two as models of “anagogical” and “mystical” exegesis in which the biblical text is envisioned as providing its own spiritual topography and strategy of elevation, with the living Logos himself as guide to sublime intimacy with God»]. BOULNOIS M.-O., La bouchée de Judas (Jn 13,26-30) d’Origène à Thomas d’Aquin carattere generale

! 1. Miscellanee e studi di

CACCIARI A., Il Salmo 35 nell’esegesi origeniana, Adamantius 20 (2014) 112-129. [Abstract: «Psalm 35 – from a formgeschichtlich point of view, a composite one – seems to have been almost neglected in early Christian literature before Origen; in fact, he is the first author who has given a deep and complete commentary of it, both in his undoubted works and in the discussed fragments of his commentary on the Psalter. Origen’s exegesis of this Psalm shows some of the main themes which are typical of the theological thought of the Alexandrian author. So, to “the clouds” (v. 6b) – as well as to “man and beast” (v. 7b) – is applied an allegorizing interpretation; in the latter case, the explanation reaches the field of anthropology. The “great deep” (v. 7a) offers the opportunity of a reflexion about divine justice (‘theodicy’), to be examined within the larger debate concerning free will and providence. The divine “wings” (v. 8b) are an occasion to discuss the many biblical ‘anthropomorphisms’ by means of a spiritual reading. And finally, the “light” (v. 10b) gives the chance to expose analytically two topics of the greatest importance both for Origen’s theology, and for its Fortleben in the following centuries: christology and soteriology»]. –, Nuova luce sull’officina origeniana. I LXX e ‘gli altri’, Adamantius 20 (2014) 217-225. [H15Ps II,7. H77Ps V,3. H77Ps VII,4. H77Ps VII,4 infra. H77Ps VIII,9. H77Ps IX,6. H77Ps IX,6 infra. H80Ps I,6. H73Ps III,1. H77Ps I,1. – Abstract: «The great importance of the newly discovered collection of Origenian Homilies on Psalms can be summarized as follows: 1) we did not held any Origen’s homily (neither the Homilies on Jeremiah, nor the homilies translated to Latin by Rufinus and Jerome) containing such an amount of scholiographic material, until the discovery of Cod. Gr. 314, as results from the examples given in this paper; 2) the setting out of an exegesis ‘without aberrations’ confirms and extends what we know from other Origenian works containing the same topic (see e.g. Prin IV 3,1ff., about the ‘obscurities’ of the Bible)»]. COCCHINI F., Il Commento alla Lettera ai Romani di Origene. Traduzione e interventi di Rufino ! 25. Rufino di Aquileia CORKE-WEBSTER J., Mothers and Martyrdom: Familial Piety and the Model of the Maccabees in Eusebius of Caesarea’s Ecclesiastical Hitory ! 19. Eusebio di Cesarea CRAWFORD M.R., Ammonius of Alexandria, Eusebius of Caesarea and the Origins of Gospels Scholarship ! 19. Eusebio di Cesarea –, Scripture as ‘One Book’: Origen, Jerome and Cyril of Alexandria on Isaiah 29:11 ! 1. Miscellanee e studi di carattere generale DEGÓRSKI B., La creazione dell’essere umano secondo la Prima Omelia di Origene al Libro della Genesi, Biblica et Patristica Thoruniensia 4 (2011) 241-258. [Una breve introduzione. Analisi dell’Omelia. L’uomo immagine di Dio. Maschio e femmina. Facciamo l’uomo secondo la nostra immagine e la nostra somiglianza. I santi e i peccatori. Le passioni del corpo. – Summary: «The present essay analyzes the First Homily of Origen on the Book of Genesis, from the 12th chapter to the end of the Homily in the 17th chapter, thus covering the section concerning the doctrine of the Great Alexandrine about the creation of the human being. The chapters present a typical feature of the origenian way of proceeding in exegesis: the alternation between the “historical” and the “spiritual” meaning of the events narrated, since he interprets the Biblical passages per allegoriam. The “dominion” over the waters (the heavenly waters) on earth is understood as that of the mens, the sensus spiritalis ruling over matter, over the “flesh”, namely over the sensus carnis. The dignity of the human being is widely stated since the human being is directly created by God, just as the fundamental cosmic realities (the heavens, the earth, the sun and the moon), and the notion of “image” shall be understood as referring not to the body, but rather to the “interior human being”, in clear opposititon to the widespread anthropological conceptions of his times. The image according to which the human being is created is the Christ-Logos; nevertheless, the human being created “at the image of God” has gained, through sin, the image of the devil, which he is called to abandon in order to assume the likeness of Christ. The literal sense is applied to the creation of the “male and the female” inasmuch as anticipation of the future creation of the woman, whereas according to the spiritual sense such creation indicates the interior human being, formed ex spiritu et anima. Origen presents and develops at this

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REPERTORIO BIBLIOGRAFICO point the spousal symbology of the spiritual couple, from whose harmony the dominion over the “earth” springs, meaning the dominion over the sensus carnis and the corporeae voluptates (...)» (p. 259)]. DORIVAL G., Origen in the Catenae on Psalms: I. An Overall Outline, Adamantius 20 (2014) 8-13. [1. Working on the Catenae. 2. History of the Catenae. 3. Origen’s ἑρμηνεῖαι and extant editions. 4. Towards new editions. – Abstract: «This paper focuses on four points: 1. a brief survey of relevant works on the Catenae on Psalms (Barthélemy, Cadiou, Devreesse, Dorival, Harl, Karo-Lietzmann, Mühlenberg, Richard, Rondeau, Schenker); 2. an outline of the history of the Catenae (Procopius of Gaza and the subsequent stages of their transmission in Palestine, first, and then in Constantinople and its dependencies); 3. Origen’s ἑρμηνεῖαι on Psalms and extant editions (Homilies; Commentaries on Psalms 1-25; Commentaries on Psalms 1-150; Scholia on Psalms); 4. Forthcoming new editions of the Catenae material by a team of German scholars»]. –, Origène, lecteur du premier et deuxième livres des Maccabées, in La mémoire des persécutions. Autour des livres des Maccabées, 371-383. [La Bible, Origène et les Maccabaïques. Les citations des Maccabaïques chez Origène. Origène historien et/ou théologien de l’histoire? Des personnages exemplaires. Les livres de Maccabées au service de l’argumentation théologique. Origène, le judéo-christianisme et l’histoire du canon biblique. – «Origène ne semble pas connaître les troisième et quatrième livre, qu’il ne cite pas. En revanche, il connaît et cite les deux premiers; il appelle ces livres les Maccabaïques. Cette appellation est traditionnelle et attestée avant Origène chez Hyppolyte de Rome et Clément d’Alexandrie. (...) Dans la plupart des cas, l’appellation correspond à une citation du deuxième» (p. 372)]. FEDOU M., «Manger chaque jour les chairs de l’Agneau»: la prédication selon Origène, RSPhTh 97 (2013) 163-186. [I. La prédication d’Origène. II. Les principes de l’exégèse origénienne. III. Les homélies sur l’Ancien Testament. IV. Les homélies sur l’Évangile de Luc. – Abstract: «Prononcées lors de célébrations à l’église de Césarée, les homélies d’Origène mettent en œuvre son herméneutique des Écritures, d’une façon qui s’efforce de respecter la diversité des textes bibliques, et en cherchant à manifester la signification actuelle de ces textes pour l’existence des croyants»]. FERNÁNDEZ S., Gli interventi dottrinali di Rufino nel De principiis di Origene ! 25. Rufino di Aquileia FÜRST A., Bibel und Kosmos in der Psalmenauslegung des Origenes, Adamantius 20 (2014) 130-146. [1. Der Konnex von Exegese und Philosophie im Denken des Origenes. 2. Die Unklarheit der Bibel. 3. Eine Analogie zwischen Bibel und Kosmos. 4. Schwierigkeiten und Grenzen des Verstehens. 5. Fazit. – Abstract: «The combination of exegesis and philosophy is fundamental for Origen’s concept of theology. According to a methodological and hermeneutical notice in Origen’s commentary on the Psalms preserved in Philocalia 2,4f., where Origen deals with the obscurity and unclarity of many passages in the Scripture, a basic link between both realms is provided by an analogy between the Bible and the world: both depend upon the divine Logos, who is the creative and redemptive principle in every single word of the Bible and in each created being down to the smallest animal and material thing. In every word and in every created being, Origen states on the background of his Christological concept of the epinoiai Wisdom and Word, traces of the divine Wisdom are sown. In this way, God reveals himself in creation and in Scripture. Understanding the Bible and understanding the world therefore bear on the same principle of rationality (logos) upon which both are built. Because of this common principle, analogies can be drawn from one to the other. Hence, explaining the world by means of philosophy can contribute to understand the Bible by means of exegesis and vice versa. Both the visible text of the Bible and the visible created beings refer to the invisible reality behind them, for which they stand as signs and symbols. Both attempts to understand man and world are also confronted with the same problems and limits, mainly the question of justice and theodicy. Consequently, Origen uses all non-biblical knowledge available to him to explain the often unclear text of the Bible. This combination of exegesis and philosophy is not arbitrary but hermeneutically necessary to get to a rational understanding of the Bible: because of the common principle, the divine Logos, underlying exegetical enterprise and philosophical thinking, this methodological and hermeneutical approach is not to be regarded as a falsification of Scripture by means of introducing too much philosophy into it but as a fully legitimate interpretation of the Bible within the horizon of a common knowledge and paideia»]. – Judentum, Judenchristentum und Antijudaismus in den neu entdeckten Psalmenhomilien des Origenes, Adamantius 20 (2014) 275-286. [1. Judentum und jüdische Feste. 2. Judenchristentum und ‘judaisierende’ Christen. 3. Christlicher und origeneischer Antijudaismus. – Abstract: «Origen of Alexandria, as is well known, had close contacts with Jewish scholars and was interested in Jewish interpretations of the Bible. Especially in Caesarea in Palestine, where he spent the last period of his life, he had many opportunities to discuss exegetical problems with rabbis and to use Jewish explanations for his own Biblical exegesis. On the other hand, as a Christian

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ADAMANTIUS 21 (2015) theologian he condemned the Jews and Judaism and argued for the common Christian Anti-Judaism. In the newly discovered Homilies on Psalms (Cod. Mon. Graec. 314) there are some interesting traces of both sides of this dilemma. Thus, Origen mentions the Jewish feasts like Pesach, Shavu‘ot, Sukkot and Yom Kippur (1st Homily on Ps. 73 and 1st Homily on Ps. 77). For his knowledge about them, however, he relies on the Biblical information about these feasts. As to the Jewish festival practice in his times, he argues for the anti-Jewish Christian conviction that the Jewish feasts are definitely over. The only way to celebrate them is, as he explains, to contemplate on their spiritual meaning and to act ethically according to their deeper and true sense. Therefore, Origen attacks the observance by Christians of the Jewish feasts (2nd Homily on Ps. 73). Obviously, Jewish ritual practices like fasting or the use of unleavened bread were quite attractive for some Christians. Origen’s main purpose was to explain to his fellow Christians, especially to women whom he criticized quite sharply, why they should refrain from Jewish rituals. It is unclear whether Origen eyed at socalled Jewish Christians like the Ebionites (2nd Homily on Ps. 76) or at ‘Judaizing’ members of the Christian community of Caesarea who had relationships or contacts with Jews in their neighborhood or took part in Jewish rituals (1st Homily on Ps. 77). Due to the social setting of these homilies, Origen as a preacher attacked Jewish practices among Christians quite heavily, while as a Biblical scholar and exegete he stayed in multiple contact with Jewish colleagues»]. GATHER J., The Recitation of the Psalms among Early Christian Ascetics generale

! 1. Miscellanee e studi di carattere

GAYTÁN LUNA J.A., Fin del mundo y destino final del hombre. La exégesis escatólogica de 1 Ad Corinthios 7,31, y 15,50 en la literatura cristiana antigua ! 1. Miscellanee e studi di carattere generale [Capítulo Tercero. Orígenes, una perspectiva ortodoxa diferente: 1. 1 Cor. 7,31, en los escritos de Orígenes: De principiis, Homiliae in Leviticum, Homiliae in Numeros, Commentarii in Matthaeum, 79-97; 2. El pasaje 1 Cor. 15,50, en los escritos de Orígenes: Textos origenianos conservados en original griego, Textos origenianos conservados en la traducción latina de Rufino, 98-115]. GIRARDI M., Origene e la Cappadocia. Basilio e l’esegesi ‘alessandrina’ dei Salmi ! 21.1. Basilio di Cesarea GRAPPONE A., Omelie tradotte e/o tradite?, in L’Oriente in Occidente. L’opera di Rufino di Concordia ! 25. Rufino di Aquileia HEINE R.E., Restringing Origen’s Broken Harp: Some Suggestions Concerning the Prologue to the Caesarean Commentary on the Psalms, in The Harp of the Prophecy. Early Christian Interpretation of the Psalms, 47-74. [The extent and nature of Origen’s work on the Psalms. Origen’s use of the classical commentary prologue format. Previous reconstructions of prologues to Origen’s Psalm commentaries. Provisional reconstruction of the Prologue to Origen’s Caesarean Psalm commentary. – «I think the prologue to Origen’s Caesarean commentary on the psalms suggests that this commentary was a major work of Christian scholarship in antiquity. Origen brought to the work the rich background of his education in the Greek grammatical and philosophical schools in Alexandria; the Hebrew learning he had acquired from Jewish teachers and conversation partners in Alexandria and Caesarea; the Christian tradition with which he had become acquainted in Alexandria, Jerusalem, Caesarea, Rome, and Athens; and his own spiritually sensitive reading of the Bible that had been developing since his childhood» (pp. 69-70)]. JACOBSEN A.-C., Christ – The Teacher of Salvation. A Study on Origen’s Christology (Adamantiana. Texte und Studien zu Origenes und seinem Erbe, 6), Aschendorff Verlag, Münster 2015, pp. 372. [Preface, 5-6. Introduction: 1. Reading Origen’s Christology and soteriology, 13-17. Part I: Introductory questions and methodology: 2. The history of scholarship on Origen’s Christology and soteriology, 20-33; 3. A chronological overview of Origen’s works, 34-41; 4. Textual types and audiences, 42-55; 5. The transmission of Origen’s writings, 56-74; 6. Origen’s allegorical and noetic hermeneutics, 75-102. Part II: Interpretation of individual writings: Introduction, 104; 7. On First Principles, 104-117; 8. Dialogue with Heracleides, 118-120; 9. Commentary on John, 121-153; 10. Commentary on Song of Songs, 154-161; 11. Commentary on Romans, 162-181; 12. Commentary on Matthew, 182-199; 13. Homilies on Luke, 200-215; 14. Homilies on Song of Songs, 216-223; 15. Homilies on Jeremiah, 224-228; 16. Christology in Homilies on Joshua, 229-239; 17. Apologetic writings – Against Celsus, 240-257. Part III: A systematic presentation of Origen’s christology and soteriology: 18. Origen’s theological system, 260-272; 19. Origen’s christology and soteriology, 273-335. Conclusion, 336339. Bibliography and sources, 340-354. Index, 355-372]. LANG B., Die Bibelkommentare der Kirchenväter (ca. 200-600). Kleines Kompendium mit Forschungsstand und Beispieltexten ! 1. Studi e miscellanee di carattere generale LE BOULLUEC A., La polémique contre les hérésies dans les Homélies sur les Psaumes d’Origène (Codex Monacensis Graecus 314), Adamantius 20 (2014) 256-274.

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REPERTORIO BIBLIOGRAFICO [Description et causes des hérésies. Les hérétiques nommés. Les judaïsants. Les figures scripturaires de l’hérésie. Remarques complémentaires. – Abstract: «The denunciation of heterodoxy is a recurrent theme in the new homilies. The τροπολογία discovers descriptions of heresy and its causes in the verses of the Psalms. The caricature charges the heretics, as Origen usually does, with using rhetorical artifices, while he, however, makes pun of those who are devoid of that skill, the “rivulets” of Ps 77, 11. The dispute links evil manners with false doctrines, lays emphasis on the dissensions between heretics, invites to reinforce the meaning of the scriptural texts by asking to admire the cosmic order and the expansion of churches and to find the means of solving the apparent contradictions between the Scriptures. The heretics most frequently mentioned are Marcion and the “Marcionists”, often associated with “Valentinians” and “Basilidians”. The information on them we are provided with in these new homilies integrates what Origen says in his other works. As far as Judaizants are concerned, they are not qualified as heretics; even “Ebionism”, which is disclosed through Ps 76,11a, is not denounced as heresy. Among the scriptural figures of heresy, the sons of Ephraim, “those who draw the bow and throw arrows” (Ps 77,9), are emphasized, because they are linked with Hosea 6,11-8,1: there we certainly find echoes of the “small book” mentioned by Jerome in his own Commentary on Hosea, where Origen charged heretics with all that was written against Ephraim. The second homily on Psalm 77 persists in proving that this heresiological interpretation is right. It may happen that some erroneous doctrine is denounced without being qualified as heresy (about Ps 15,10a), or that Origen’s exegesis seems to agree with Heracleon (about Ps 77,22a, with the distinction between πιστεύειν ε!ν τῷ θεῷ and πιστεύειν τῷ θεῷ). In the new homilies the description and criticism of heresy match with the polemical statements which are to be found in the other writings of Origen; they refine our knowledge of the latter’s youth in Alexandria, in a time when the Church was split into various schools lead by heretical teachers, informing us as well about his grievances against Valentinians and Basilidians, and the permanency of a Marcionist Church. The neologism ἀντινυμφίος appears, coined by analogy with ἀντίχριστος. Besides, heresy is defined as a παρακολούθημα of the Church of Christ»]. MOLIN PRADEL M., Il Codex Graecus 314 della Bayerische Staatsbibliothek di Monaco, Adamantius 20 (2014) 173176. [Abstract: «The attribution to Origen of the 29 Homilies on the Psalms preserved in the Codex Graecus 314 of the Bayerische Staatsbibliothek in Munich has already been proved by several scholarly contributions. The lack of interest shown until their recent discovery did not depended alone on the mistakes made by Ignaz Hardt in his catalogue of the beginning of the 19th century. The manuscript itself presents some indications liable to create some confusion about the author, as for instance the initial and final mentions of Michael Psellos added by later hands. The present article briefly illustrates the codicological aspects of the manuscript, probably to be dated in the beginning of the 12th century and provides some hints at the history of its transmission. The case of Codex Graecus 314 is similar to that of the Scorialensis Ω.III.19 containing 19 Homilies on Jeremiah without the name of the author. Yet only the planning of a new catalogue has now made possible to rediscover this important collection of sermons by Origen»]. MONACI CASTAGNO A., Contesto liturgico e cronologia della predicazione origeniana alla luce delle nuove Omelie sui Salmi, Adamantius 20 (2014) 238-254. [Il contesto liturgico. La presenza di catecumeni. La frequenza delle letture. Le nuove omelie e la cronologia relativa. Cronologia assoluta. Si può ancora parlare di cicli di omelie? – Abstract: «The paper aims at validating some hypothesis set forth by previous studies, on the ground of texts already known. In particular: 1) do the new homelies add new elements to confirm the existence of daily liturgical congregations in Caesarea? If considered singularly, the texts are not very explicit, but taken together they strengthen the hypothesis that the initiated and catechumens of Caesarea did listen to the Word daily. 2) Who listened to the sermons? As in the other homelies, it was a mixed public composed of initiated and catechumens. 3) Which and how many lectures were done in the different types of meetings? Only from H67Ps I it is possible to conjecture the use of several lectures taken from different books of the Scripture. 4) Which new elements are there to establish a relative chronology of Origen’s predication? References to other exegesises on Psalms abund, but there is only one clear reference to the commentary on Hosea, which permits to fix a terminus post quem. 5) When were the homilies preached? The Greek text of Rufin’s translation, that made Nautin place Origen’s preaching between 238-244, is much more generic, whereas a passage from H77Ps VIII places this predication after the Against Celsus. Such evidence leads to conclude that the extant homilies on Psalms cannot be part of a single series on this biblical book»]. MORLET S., Origen as Exegetical Source in Eusebius’ Prophetic Extracts ! 19. Eusebio di Cesarea –, La Préparation évangélique d’Eusèbe et les Stromates perdus d’Origène: Nouvelles considérations ! 19. Eusebio di Cesarea –, Mentions et interprétations du tétragramme chez Eusèbe de Césarée ! 19. Eusebio di Cesarea

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ADAMANTIUS 21 (2015) MUNNICH O., La pluralité du texte scripturaire dans l’exégèse origénienne des Psaumes: le témoignage de la Chaîne palestinienne sur le Psaume 118, Adamantius 20 (2014) 49-69. [1. La qualité du texte origénien dans les fragments de la Chaîne palestinienne. 2. Le texte scripturaire des fragments attribués à Origène. 3. Place des révisions juives dans l’exégèse d’Origène. 4. Importance des variantes de la Bible grecque. 5. La source des fragments origéniens de la Chaîne palestinienne: la question des Homélies. – Abstract: «In order to assess the authenticity of the Origenian documentation that appears in the Psalter Catenae, I decided to evaluate what is considered to be the most accurate source, the Palestinian Catena on Psalm 118. In consideration of Origen’s extracts, they have already been altered with glosses, omissions, corruptions, and reformulations. In addition, these extracts are not only the provenance, it seems, of subsequent commentaries, but also of homilies. In terms of scriptural quotations, this inquiry permits more positive results and proposes criteria for assessing the Origenian character of a development. In particular, this applies in cases where, for the sake of argumentation, the Alexandrian deviates from the letter of the scriptural text. In the Palestinian Catena of Psalm 118, Origen does not use the Hebrew as a witness; unlike the later exegetes, he only refers to the Jewish revisions in the rare cases where the Greek biblical text appears to him to have been corrupted. However, the dynamics of his exegesis often relies on differences between lessons (!"#$#%) of the Greek Bible. Without paying attention to the Jewish revisions, Origen’s textual plurality is internal to the manuscript tradition of the Greek Psalter»]. NESTEROVA O., La figure de la corbeille de Moïse chez Origène et chez Grégoire d’Elvire, REAug 60 (2014) 253-268. [I. L’exégèse du récit de l’enfant Moïse et sa corbeille chez Origène et chez Grégoire d’Elvire. II. De la corbeille de Moïse au motif des deux genres de feu (Grégoire d’Elvire, Traité VII, 17): le maillon manquant. III. Conclusion. – Abstract: «The paper deals with a lacunal passage in the treatise of Gregory of Elvira († after 404) on the birth of Moses (Ex. 2), where the author is unexpectedly skipping from the image of the infant Moses’ basket to the theme of two kinds of fire, a tormenting one and a salutary one. The examination of a number of echoing and concurrent typological motives involved by Gregory in his other treatises, as well as of corresponding texts of Origen, permits to propose a reconstruction of the missing link between two abovementioned subjects»]. NICULESCU V.M., Origen Otherwise than Origen: Toward an Alternative Approach to Origen’s Incarnational View of Scripture and of Scriptural Exegesis, Phronema 30 (2015) 43-62. [Identifying the problem: Origen’s hermeneutic logocentrism and its political implications. Assessing the terms in which the problem has been formulated: how logocentric is Origen’s Logos? How does the ‘Spell of the Logos’ thesis reflect on the anti-logocentric critique of hermeneutic hegemony? Further possibilities for criticism. Appendix 1. An example of exegetic logocentrism; 2. Appendix 2. Openings and afterthoughts. – Abstract: «In a provocative and insightful study of the Pauline corpus, Daniel Boyarin has identified spiritual allegoresis as a source of universalist hermeneutic politics, while pointing out the assimilationist and supersessionist downsides of this exegetically authorised universalism. French poststructuralism, on which Boyarin relies to no smal extent, has labelled such spiritualist universalism as logocentric. This paper attemps to test the applicability of the recent critique of logocentrism to the views of a paradigmatic Logos-committed theologian and allegorical exegete such as Origen of Alexandria. While agreeing that an interpretation of the incarnate Logos as a metaphysical first principle of the creation and of Scripture leads to the universalist exegetic politics that Boyarin describes, I shall bring up the possibility of a non-metaphysical reading of the Origenian Logos, which could entail an alternative, less assimilatory, exegetic politics. More precisely I shall take Origen’s construal of the Logos’s coming in the world and in the text (the historical and textual incarnation of the Logos) as messianic events, rather than metaphysical acts of world- and text-foundation. Ultimately, the contrast between a speculative-metaphysical and a messianic-eventmental reading of Origen’s exegesis will configure a possible criticism of the post-structuralist reading of early Christian logocentrism as too exclusively reliant on a metaphysical interpretation of the Logos and of Logos-authorised exegetic politics»]. PASTORELLI D., Le texte de l’évangile de Jean dans la traduction latine du Commentaire sur Matthieu d’Origène. Classification des témoins vieux latins du texte johannique, in Poïkiloï karpoï. Ποικίλοι καρποί. Récoltes diverses: Exégèses païennes, juives et chrétiennes, Études réunies en hommage à Gilles Dorival, sous la direction de M. LOUBET et D. PRALON (Héritages Méditerranéens), Presses Universitaires de Provence, Aix-en-Provence 2015, 55-69. [L’établissement du texte latin de l’évangile de Jean cité par le traducteur d’Origène. Classification du texte d’ORI et des témoins vieux latins. Une distance entre manuscrits. La méthode de «classification». Interprétation de la classification. Groupe 1: les manuscrits vieux latins. Groupe 2: les manuscrits vieux latins davantage influencés par la vulgate (textes mixtes). La classification en deux groupes. – «Le Commentaire sur Matthieu d’Origène, qui comptait 25 livres, ne nous est parvenu qu’en partie. Seuls les livres 10 à 17 (sur Mt 13, 36-22, 33) subsistent aujourd’hui en grec. Cependant, une traduction latine, parallèle au grec à partir de

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REPERTORIO BIBLIOGRAFICO 12, 9 (sur Mt 16, 13), nous renseigne sur la teneur du commentaire jusqu’à Mt 27, 66. De façon surprenante, la partie latine pour laquelle le grec n’a pas survécu a été considérée au Moyen Âge comme une œuvre indépendante sous le titre Commentariorum series et a été divisée de façon artificielle en 145 homélies. Le traducteur latin est peut-être le même que celui de l’Opus imperfectum in Matthaeum, un arien des provinces du Danube (ou d’Italie du Nord), du 2e ou 3e quart du Ve siècle. Les citations bibliques étant nombreuses et souvent non vulgates, il y a là matière à s’interroger sur le type vieux latin qu’atteste le traducteur. À l’évidence, ce dernier ne traduit pas à nouveaux frais les citations grecques d’Origène, mais il cite vraisemblablement une version latine existante. Pour une étude aux dimensions raisonnables, nous nous concentrerons sur les citation de l’évangile de Jean. L’étude qui suit a un double objectif. D’une part, nous établirons en préliminaire le texte latin de l’évangile de Jean cité par le traducteur (première partie). D’autre part, nous proposerons une classification de cet état de texte au sein des témoins vieux latins dont nous disposons aujourd’hui (deuxième partie). Cette classification fera appel à une méthode statistique assistée par ordinateur et sa mise en œuvre sera brièvement décrite. L’étendue de l’échantillon (195 segment de texte et 25 témoins) permettra une interprétation de la classification obtenue non seulement pour la version suivie par le traducteur d’Origène, mais pour l’ensemble des principaux témoins vieux latins de l’évangile de Jean (troisième partie)» (p. 55)]. PAZZINI D., Theology and Episteme in Origen’s Commentary on the Gospel of John, in F. AMERINI (ed.), In principio erat Verbum. Philosophy and Theology in the Commentaries on the Gospel of John (II-XIV Centuries) (Archa Verbi. Subsidia, 11), Aschendorff, Munster 2014, 23-32. [1. Theology. 2. Episteme. 3. Episteme and Sophia. – «In short, I am suggesting that we approach both the theology of the Savior and the theologized Jesus from the perspective of the economy of salvation: Jesus is indeed the incarnate logos for Origen. And as has been seen, theology contains two ways: ascending and descending. Episteme concerns both the economy of salvation and the Trinity. The mark of Origen’s thought is given precisely by the notion of episteme. It expresses the coexistence of rational discourse and discourse by revelation, i.e. of founding logos and founded logos» (p. 30)]. PENLAND E.C., The History of the Caesarean Present: Eusebius and Narratives of Origen ! 19. Eusebio di Cesarea PERETÓ R., La acedia como causa de la caída del nous en Orígenes y Evagrio Póntico, Teología y Vida 55 (2014) 581593. [Henri Crouzel, en su ya clásico libro sobre Orígenes, menciona al pasar, cuando trata acerca de la caída de las almas, que el motivo podría deberse, según el Alejandrino, a la acedia entendida como disgusto por la contemplación (Origène, [P. Lethielleux, Paris, 1985], 273). Es esta la conclusión a la que se arriba luego de la lectura del pormenorizado análisis de Marguerite Harl acerca de la expresión %&'"! ()*+,! en el De principiis, F. L. Cross (ed.), Studia Patrística VIII, Texte und Untersuchungen 93 [Akademie Verlag, Berlin, 1966] 373-405). La propuesta de este trabajo es revalidar algunas de las observaciones de Harl en el trabajo mencionado y confrontarlas con la obra de Evagrio Póntico quien, en Kephalaia gnostica, replica lo afirmado por Orígenes. Pero, en este caso su afirmación adquiere una nueva dimensión debido a la profunda y completa teorización que posee Evagrio sobre la acedia]. PERRONE L., L’interpretazione origeniana del salmo 27(28) e il linguaggio della preghiera, Adamantius 20 (2014) 84110. [Prolegomeni all’interpretazione di Sal 27(28): un salmo di supplica. Le citazioni di Sal 27(28) e il linguaggio della preghiera. I frammenti catenari su Sal 27(28). Sal 27(28),1: a) Il ‘grido’, ovvero la preghiera dei santi; b) L’ascolto di Dio: un processo di comunione spirituale; c) La ‘fossa’: il ‘gelo’ del peccato e il ‘calore’ divino. Sal 27(28),2: a) Una gerarchia delle preghiere: le tappe del progresso spirituale; b) Le mani sollevate dell’orante: l’incremento delle virtù. Sal 27(28),3: a) In mezzo ai peccatori: il modello di Gesù e le limitazioni del giusto. Conclusione. – Abstract: «The few occurrences of Ps. 27(28) in Origen’s writings, together with the fragments trasmitted by the catenae under his name, provide an interesting case for the study of the origenian exegesis of the Psalms. To obtain a less fragmentary picture of it, we can first of all view Ps. 27(28) in the context of the Alexandrian exegetical tradition. It is reasonable to suppose that authors like Eusebius of Caesarea or Didymus adopted an approach to our psalm presumably comparable to what we have lost of Origen’s commentary. We may thus tentatively reconstruct a preliminary agenda of topics concerning both the distinctive profile of Ps. 27(27) as a prayer of supplication and the prosopological interpretation of its protagonist or the form of the text in the Greek versions. A further step leads us to examine the occurrences of Ps. 27(28) in Origen’s works, more specifically in the Treatise on Prayer, ch. 33, where v. 3a-b is taken as the paradigmatic expression for a prayer of ‘demand’ (αἴτησις). Nevertheless Origen, instead of clinging to a definite and coherent terminology for the different forms of prayer, prefers to stress the idea that the language of those who pray should be inspired and nourished by the words of the Psalms. Subsequently, an analysis of the most important fragments attempts to reconstruct the main lines of Origen’s interpretation of Ps. 27(28).

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ADAMANTIUS 21 (2015) For the Alexandrian it is an opportunity to rethink his model of the ‘spiritual prayer’ as a demand addressed to God for the ‘great and heavenly things’ by those who are expected to be ‘saint’ or ‘righteous’. Yet, according to Walther Völker, Origen seems to revise such a model by positing the pure prayer of thanksgiving as the highest expression of prayer, adopted by those who are truly ‘friends of God’. This unique vindication of a ‘eucharistic’ spirituality indeed demands to be appreciated against the background of Origen’s ideas of the spiritual existence, as impressively traced by him also in the commentaries on the Psalms. As shown, for instance, by the fragments on Ps. 118(119), the Alexandrian continues to propose, as the normal rule, a pattern made by the alternance between prayer of demand and thanksgiving. Such a conclusion is finally corroborated by the significant exegesis of Ps. 27(28), 3, where the ‘saint’ or ‘righteous’ of our psalm confronts himself with the paradigm of Christ and with his own limitations»]. –, “La mia gloria è la mia lingua”: per un ritratto dell’autore delle Omelie sui Salmi nel Codice Monacense Greco 314, Adamantius 20 (2014) 177-192. [Premessa: Origenes rediuiuus – l’esegesi dei Salmi ritrovata. 1. L’esperienza del maestro. 2. L’esercizio dell’interprete. Conclusione: la parola del predicatore. – Abstract: «The aim of this article is to trace a profile of the preacher speaking in the newly discovered Homilies on the Psalms of Codex Monacensis Graecus 314, in order to prove through it their attribution to Origen. As a matter of fact, we have to do first of all with a teacher recalling on several occasions the unique importance of the didaskaloi within the church. By the way, he opposes himself to other teachers, whom he does not approve – the heretics –, while recognizing to some extent their efforts in order to find out the truth. On the other hand, in spite of the frequent self-quotations, he also admits his debts towards some of his predecessors (first and foremost Philo). All these aspects find a corresponding evidence in the other writings of Origen and fully support the authenticity of the sermons. Another set of arguments on behalf of it is provided by the analysis of the exegetical method practiced by the preacher. Its main features (as, for instance, the recourse to the method of the quaestio, the emphasis on scriptural intertextuality, and the stress on the hidden meaning of the Bible against its literal interpretation) display in their turn many analogies with Origen’s treatment of Scripture. Finally, the new homilies enable us to discover a self-portrait of the preacher inhabited by the presence of Christ and the Spirit, which clearly reminds of Origen self-awareness as an inspired interpreter of the Scripture»]. –, Der Origenes-Fund der Bayerischen Staatsbibliothek: Die 29 Psalmenhomilien von Cod.graec. 314, in Das handschriftliche Erbe der griechischen Welt. Ein europäisches Netzwerk. Vorträge des internationalen Symposiums «Griechische Handschriften in der Bayerischen Staatsbibliothek» am 5. März 2013, hg. von C. FABIAN, Harrassowitz Verlag, Wiesbaden 2014 = Bibliothek und Wissenschaft 47 (2014) 67-79. [Die einmalige Bedeutung des Origenes-Funds von Cod.graec. 314. Der Cod.graec. 314: Eine erste Anleitung mit Beispielen als Kostproben]. –, The «Ultimate» Origen: the Discovery of the Munich Codex, ELECTRYONE 3/1 (2015) 12-27 | http://www.electryone.gr. [The heritage of early Christian literature: lost and found. Origen from Tura to Munich: Codex Graecus 314. The significance of the Munich Codex for the research on Origen and ancient Christianity. The ‘new’ and the ‘old’ Origen. – Abstract: «The article illustrates the importance of the discovery in 2012 of Codex Monacensis Graecus 314, containing 29 homilies on the Psalms by Origen. It is not only one of the most important finds of early Christian literature in Greek in the last decades, but it is also a major contribution to the study of the Alexandrian teacher and to the history of biblical interpretation in Late Antiquity. The 29 homilies represent nowadays the largest body of sermons among the writings of Origen, which are poorly preserved in their original language. They also provide interesting clues for assigning the homilies to the final period in the life of Origen»]. –, El último Orígenes: el descubrimiento de las Homilías sobre los Salmos en el Códice de Munich, Salmanticensis 62 (2015) 44-66. [1. La herencia de la primera literatura cristiana: pérdidas y descubrimientos. 2. Orígenes de Tura a Munich: el Codex Graecus 314. 3. La importancia del codice de Munich para el estudio sobre Orígenes y el cristianismo antiguo. 4. El «nuevo» y el «viejo» Orígenes]. PRINZIVALLI E., Il Cod. Mon. Gr. 314, il traduttore ritrovato e l’imitatore, Adamantius 20 (2014) 194-216. [Premessa. 1. Rufino traduttore nel confronto con il Cod. Mon. Gr. 314. 2. Ambrogio fra emulazione e dipendenza. Conclusione. – Abstract: «Thanks to the rediscovery of the Greek text of Origen’s 29 homilies on Psalms in the Cod. Mon. Gr. 314, we are now able to compare his original interpretation of Ps 36 with Rufin’s Latin translation. As a result, the so called catenae turn out to be sometimes deceptive, as the Greek text they offer is often heavily shortened. Furthermore, extending the comparison to Ambrose’s writings shows that Ambrose, on the one hand, extensively and faithfully draws on Origen’s exegesis, on the other hand, adapts it to his own paraenetic and ecclesiastical purposes»].

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REPERTORIO BIBLIOGRAFICO RAMELLI I.L.E., Il logos umano in Origene e Gregorio di Nissa: il dibattito con il neoplatonismo «pagano», in Il Logos di Dio e il logos dell’uomo, 247-274. [Abstract: «I am going to study here the human logos as rational faculty, which is a gift of God, and the human rational soul in Origen and Gregory of Nyssa, also in comparison with “pagan” Midde and Neoplatonists. I shall argue that some passages from Gregory of Nyssa, which are generally construed as criticisms of Origen’s doctrine of the human rational soul and its so-called “preexistence”, are in fact refutations of “pagan” Neoplatonic ideas (and possibly also Manichaean views). Indeed Origen never upheld the preexistence of rational souls without a body. Gregory was fully aware of this, and – as I shall endeavour to demonstrate – did not criticise Origen in this respect»]. –, Philo’s Doctrine of Apokatastasis: Philosophical Sources, Exegetical Strategies, and Patristic Aftermath ! 7. Filone Alessandrino RAVASCO A., Paul Kahle as a Septuagint Scholar ! 4. LXX RISCH F.-X., Das Handbuch des Origenes zu den Psalmen. Zur Bedeutung der zweiten Randkatene im Codex Vindobonensis Theologicus Graecus 8, Adamantius 20 (2014) 36-48. [Abstract: «In addition to the commentary on Psalms by Diodor, the Codex Vindobonensis theol. gr. 8 contains two catenas without any conceptual correlation to each other. The second catena is mostly composed of texts by Theodoret and Origen, but Origen only is explicitly mentioned as author. The so-called σχόλια Ὠριγένους should be read as notes and excerpts preparing the commentary. The Enchiridion of Origen may be assumed at least as partial source of the Catenist»]. SOMOS R., Homonymy as a Logical Term in Origen, Acta Ant. Hung. 53 (2013) 409-421. [1. The nature of homonymy. 2. Why does Origen not use the word homonymy in First Principles? 3. The question of paronymy. – Abstract: «The paper aims to deal with the problem of “homonymy” in Origen’s work from the point of logic. As far as Origen is concerned, this term expresses the difference between the literal and non-literal meanings of various scriptural texts. Therefore, homonymy can be regarded as a primitive linguistic entity for the interpretation of the Scripture. Origen’s use of this term shows that a considerable part of the tools he classifies into the arsenal of logic is in close connection with linguistic entities, that is, with the Scripture. Nevertheless, as in the case of the difference between the literal and nonliteral sense of the statements and commands of the Scripture, so too in connection with homonymy, the question of truth and falsity may emerge. Therefore, in this sense, homonymy has a logical character as well»]. –, Divine and human logos in Origen’s theory of knowledge, in Il Logos di Dio e il logos dell’uomo, 183-205. [1. Divine Logos from epistemological point of view. 2. Logos in the human being. 3. Logos and logic. – Abstract: «My aim is to show the connection between divine and human logos in Origen’s works from the point of view of theory of knowledge. In the first section I try to apprehend some important characteristics of the Son of God which were considered by Origen as a common doctrine of Greek philosophy and Christian teaching. The second section of my contribution deals with the creation of the intellectual beings in the image of God and with human logoi from a genetic point of view, i.e. how does Origen explain the notions of the lex naturalis and koinai ennoiai. In the third part I would like to give a new interpretation of the logic regarded by Origen as a non-profane and non-propaedeutic philosophical discipline which is not identical with dialectics and has theological importance»]. TROIANO M., De la substancia del diablo. Orígenes y la dinámica del sistema valentiniano de las tres naturalezas, Teología y Vida 55 (2014) 607-629. [Introducción. A. Orígenes y la concepción valentiniana de las tres naturalezas. B. Textos gnósticos: El Tratado Tripartito (NH I, 5); Los Extractos de Teódoto. Conclusión. – Abstract: «In Origen’s On First Principles I, 8, 2, the Alexandrian explicitly refutes the doctrine of the existence of three human natures ("#$%&) which he attributes to the Valentinians. The doctrine of the natural differences between men, due to the action of various creators and decisive on their final destination, is one of the claims most heavily installed by the opponents to the Gnostic authors. Such claims have involved one of the most recurring critics to the Gnostic texts; critics that persist even among modern scholars. Thus, the ultimate goal of our work is to demonstrate that the Valentinian anthropology of three natures does not imply a deterministic and static doctrine, but a dynamic system, where the individual, not only the humanity as category, is stressed between the three natures and where even the spiritual element is urged to seek salvation»]. VILLANI HANUS B., Überlieferung und Auslegung des vierten Psalmes bei Origenes: Katenen und Exzerpierungen, Adamantius 20 (2014) 70-83. [1. Die Katenenfragmente: 1.1. Die Fragmente der palästinischen Katene; 1.2. Die Fragmente in Vind. theol. gr. 8. 2. Der Auszug in der Philokalie. 3. Schlussbetrachtung. – Abstract: «Origen’s exegesis of the fourth Psalm can be partially reconstructed both on the basis of rather extensive excerpts in the catenae, mostly deriving from the Palestinian catena, and of a fragment transmitted in the Philocalia. This contribution

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ADAMANTIUS 21 (2015) attempts first to analyze the textual transmission of the extant fragments, whereupon the content of each one of the latter will be shortly delineated. Lastly, the relationship between the catenae excerpts and the fragment in the Philocalia will be discussed beyond the possibility of a common source»]. WOOD J.D., Origen’s Polemics in Princ 4.2.4: Scriptural Literalism as a Christo-Metaphysical Error, VigChr 69 (2015) 30-69. [Abstract: «The relation between Books 1-3 and Book 4 of Origen’s Peri Archon has largely been left unspecified or denied. This is due to the apparent incongruence between the metaphysical discussions of the former section and the hermeneutical remarks of the latter. I argue that Origen’s threefold distinction of Scripture in Princ 4.2.4 draws upon key metaphysical conclusions of the earlier sections to depict the metaphysical structure of inspired Scripture as analogous to the Incarnation, and that this insight constitutes Origen’s fundamental polemic against scriptural literalism, the common error of the two primary adversaries of the work (the “simple” of the Church and the Marcionites). Peri Archon is thus unified around the polemical purpose of defending Origen’s allegorical exegesis»]. 13. L’origenismo e la fortuna di Origene Der Kommentar Cyrills von Alexandrien zum 1. Korintherbrief. Einleitung, kritischer Text, Übersetzung, Einzelanalyse von K.F. ZAWADZKI ! 31. Cirillo Alessandrino [II. Die zentralen Themen des unsersuchten Kommentars: 2.1.3. Origenismus (pp. 540-541)]. L’Oriente in Occidente. L’opera di Rufino di Concordia ! 25. Rufino di Aquileia Origenes Humanista. Pico della Mirandolas Traktat De salute Origenis disputatio, herausgegeben von A. FÜRST und C. HENGSTERMANN (Adamantiana. Texte und Studien zu Origenes und seinem Erbe, 5), Aschendorff, Münster 2015, pp. 464. [A. FÜRST – C. HENGSTERMANN, Vorwort, 5-6. Origenes Humanista: A. FÜRST, Origenismus und Humanismus. Die Wiederentdeckung des Origenes an der Schwelle zur Neuzeit, 11-98; A. DREßEN, Schriften des Origenes in Florentiner Bibliotheken der Frührenaissance, 99-111; T. LEINKAUF, Origenes in der Renaissance: Marsilio Ficino und Pietro Pomponazzi, 113-140; T. KOBUSCH, Origenes und Pico. Picos Oratio im Licht der spätantiken Philosophie, 141-159; C. HENGSTERMANN, Der Kosmos als Freiheit und Geschichte. Picos Origenismus im Heptaplus, 161-195; A. FÜRST, Vernunft und Freiheit. Pico della Mirandolas Verteidigung des Origenes, 197-238; N. KLÖSTER, Pedro Garcias Kritik an Origenes und Pico, 239-275. Texte mit Übersetzung: Hinweise zur Textgestaltung, 278; Siglen im Apparat zu den Texten, 279; Pico della Mirandola (1487), Apologia Ioannis Pici Mirandulae. De salute Origenis disputatio – Apologie des Johannes Pico von Mirandola. Abhandlung über das Heil des Origenes, 280-369; Pedro Garcia (1489), Tertiadecima Conclusio Apologetica Ioannis Pici Mirandulani, Concordiae Comitis. Determinatio Magistralis – Dreizehnte apologetische Schlussfolgerung des Johannes Pico von Mirandola, des Grafen von Concordia. Lehrentscheidung, 370-429; Gliederung der Disputatio Picos, 430; Gliederung der Determinatio Garcias, 431. Quellen: 432-434. Register, 435-464]. BAGHOS M., The Conflicting Portrayals of Origen in the Byzantine Tradition, Phronema 30/2 (2015) 69-104. [The Origenist controversies. Positive representations of Origen: Eusebius of Caesarea; St. Pamphilus, Rufinus of Aquileia, and St. Gregory Thaumaturgus. Conclusion. – Abstract: «The portrayal of Origen the Alexandrian represents a conundrum for the Byzantine tradition. The allegorical tendencies in his writings were exaggerated by some of his admirers, leading to a repudiation of his person and works by such prominent figures as St Epiphanius of Salamis, St Jerome and Theophilus of Alexandria. These repudiations anticipated his condemnation as a heretic by the emperor Justinian and the fifth ecumenical council. Paradoxically, Origen’s condemnation by the Byzantine establishment was inconsistent with the views of those saints, venerated by the same establishment, who considered him a holy person, including Sts Pamphilus and Gregory Thaumaturgus. These two representations, both negative and positive, will be explored below for the purpose of demonstrating that the former portrayal is far too often emphasised at the expense of the latter, which, it is made clear, deserves much more attention»]. BOULNOIS M.-O., La bouchée de Judas (Jn 13,26-30) d’Origène à Thomas d’Aquin carattere generale

! 1. Miscellanee e studi di

CHIALÀ S., Teo Discourses of the «Fifth Part» of Isaac the Syrian’s Writings: Prolegomena for Apokatastasis?, in The Syriac Writers of Qatar in the Seventh Century, Edited by M. KOZAH, A. ABU-HUSAYN, S.S. AL-MURIKHI, H. AL THANI (Gorgias Eastern Christian Studies, 38), Gorgias Press, Piscataway/NJ 2014, 123-131. [1. Isaac’s literary legacy. 2. The fifth part according to the ancient sources and manuscripts. 3. Style, contents and authenticity of the two discourses. 4. Prolegomena for the affirmation of the final universal salvation? – Abstract: «Biographical sources for Isaac the Syrian are not very clear about how much he wrote, speaking generally about various “tomes” or “parts”. In one case, however, we have an interesting indication: a certain Daniel Bar Tubanita is supposed to have written a rebuttal to the “Fifth volume” of Isaac the Syrian. The

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REPERTORIO BIBLIOGRAFICO manuscript tradition has transmitted to us a First, a Second and a Third Collection, as well as two discourses of a “Fifth Part” by the same author. These last are preserved in four recent manuscripts, one in the Vatican Library, one in the Sharfet Library (Lebanon), and two in the collection of the Chaldean Monastery formerly in Baghdad and now in northern Iraq. Having prepared a critical edition of these two discourses for the Orientalia Christiana Periodica, in this paper I return to the question about the authenticity of the texts, which is not by any means certain, as well as the idea of apokastasis»]. DREßEN A., Schriften des Origenes in Florentiner Bibliotheken der Frührenaissance, in Origenes Humanista. Pico della Mirandolas Traktat De salute Origenis disputatio, 99-111. [«Zusammenfassend lässt sich sagen, dass gerade die exegetischen Werke, die auch im Mittelalter bekannt, wenn auch schwer zugänglich waren, im 15. Jahrhundert zunächst vermehrte Aufmerksamkeit erfuhren, wahrscheinlich angeregt von Parentucellis literarischem Kanon. Diese waren wohl alle in den Bibliotheken von Salutati, Niccoli, Strozzi und den Medici vertreten. Zu den wichtigsten Homilien zählte sicherlich Super Genesim, in dem das zentrale Thema des Origenes, die menschliche Willensfreiheit, behandelt wurde. Dieses Werk war seit der Jahrhundertmitte zum Beispiel in Santo Spirito und San Marco zugänglich. Die dogmatisch-apologetische Gruppe wird erst spät und langsam eingeführt. Das Hauptwerk Peri archôn war bei Niccoli vor 1437 vorhanden, dann ab 1462/64 auch in der Badia Fiesolana. Somit ist Origenes’ umstrittenstes Buch schon seit den dreissiger Jahren des 15. Jahrhunderts nachweisbar und wird wesentlich auf die Florentiner Theorien des göttlichen Logos, des freien Willens sowie auf Vorstellungen von Sünde, Sühne und Vergebung eingewirkt haben» (p. 109)]. FÜRST A., Origenismus und Humanismus. Die Wiederentdeckung des Origenes an der Schwelle zur Neuzeit, in Origenes Humanista. Pico della Mirandolas Traktat De salute Origenis disputatio, 11-98. [1. Origenes als ‘Humanist’. 2. Der lange Weg zur ‘Wiederentdeckung’ des Origenes: a) Lorenzo Valla über den freien Willen – ohne Origenes; b) Indirekte Origeneskenntnisse bei den Frühhumanisten; c) Origenesschriften in Renaissancebibliotheken; d) Origenes Platonicus – Marsilio Ficino und die Florentiner Akademie. 3. Picos Reformierung des origeneischen Freiheitsdenkens: a) Picos Oratio – der Mensch und seine Würde; b) Picos Heptaplus – der Mensch im Kosmos; c) Picos Disputationes adversus astrologiam – Freiheit gegen Determinismus; d) Pico Origenista]. –, Vernunft und Freiheit. Pico della Mirandolas Verteidigung des Origenes, in Origenes Humanista. Pico della Mirandolas Traktat De salute Origenis disputatio, 197-238. [1. Skizze der Ereignisse. 2. Die Debatte über das Seelenheil des Origenes. 3. Die Geistesverwandschaft zwischen Pico und Origenes. 4. Autoritätsargumente. 5. Inhalte der Theologie des Origenes. 6. Kirchenrechtliche Fragen. 7. Picos Origenes. – «In seiner Apologie bietet Pico in der Abhandlung über das Heil des Origenes keine eingehende Diskussion der dem Origenes als häretisch vorgeworfenen Ansichten. Er bestreitet vielmehr, dass diese Ansichten dem Origenes berechtigterweise zugeschrieben werden – so in der Trinitätslehre die Nicht-Erkenntnis des Vaters durch den Sohn und in der Eschatologie die Erlösung des Teufels –, oder er verwirft diese Lehren wie im Falle der Präexistenz seinerseits als häretisch. Grundsätzlich bewegt er sich damit dogmatisch im mainstream kirchlicher Orthodoxie. Seine Verteidigung des Origenes zielt darauf, ihn von diesen Häresien zu entlasten, indem er sie entweder als Fälschungen in seinen Schriften auffasst oder den alten Origenes seine jugendlichen Irrtümer bereuen lässt. Damit wandelt er zugleich in den antiken origenistischen Bahnen, denn diese Strategie folgt im Grunde den Versuchen des Hieronymus und des Rufinus, ihren Lehrmeister Origenes vor dem Odium der Häresie zu bewahren. In diesen Punkten liest Pico Origenes ganz aus der Perspektive des spätantiken Origenismus und erweist sich als ‘Origenist’ in diesem Sinne. Umso bemerkenswerter ist es, dass Pico gleichwohl die zentralen Aspekte der origeneischen Freiheitsmetaphysik aufgriff und in seinem Schaffen kreativ weiterentwickelte, besonders in der Oratio de hominis dignitate und im Heptaplus» (p. 237).]. GIRARDI M., Origene e la Cappadocia. Basilio e l’esegesi ‘alessandrina’ dei Salmi ! 21.1. Basilio di Cesarea KLÖSTER N., Pedro Garcias Kritik an Origenes und Pico, in Origenes Humanista. Pico della Mirandolas Traktat De salute Origenis disputatio, 239-275. [1. Biographisches. 2. Die Verurteilung der Thesen Picos. 3. Garcias Determinationes magistrales: a) Entstehung und Eigenart der Abhandlung; b) Die dreizehnte Determinatio; c) Die Verurteilung des Origenes; d) Garcias Quellen. 4. Die Rehabilitation Picos unter Alexander VI. 5. Zusammenfassung. Addenda: 1. Innozenz VIII., Bulle Et si iniuncto nobis (4. August 1487); 2. Brief Picos an Alexander VI. (16. August 1492); 3. Brief Picos an Ludovico Podocathor (16. August 1492); 4. Alexander VI., Breve Omnium Catholicorum (18. Juni 1493). – «Pedro Garcia geht in der Frage des Seelenheils des Origenes von zwei Grundannahmen aus. Die erste besagt, dass Origenes tatsächlich von der Kirche verurteilt worden ist, die zweite, dass ein verurteilter Häretiker nach seinem Tod im Glaubesgehorsam als Bewohner der Hölle anzusehen ist, ebenso wie nach einer Kanonisation der Betreffende als Bewohner des Himmels, wobei Garcia hier das letzte Urteil durchaus

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ADAMANTIUS 21 (2015) Gott überlässt. Das Entscheidende für ihn ist, wovon der Gläubige hier und jetzt auszugehen hat, und das liegt einzig und allein im Urteil der unfehlbaren Kirche. Also hat der gehorsame Christ davon auszugehen, dass Origenes in der Hölle ist, selbst wenn Gott es anders entschieden haben sollte. Henri Crouzel hat diese Haltung einen “voluntaristischen Fideismus” genannt. Das geht wohl etwas über das Ziel hinaus. Garcia erweist sich in seinen Determinationes magistrales ganz als Mensch des Mittelalters, für den die autoritative Entscheidung der Kirche für den Standpunkt im Hier und Jetzt bindend ist. (... ) Rodrigo Borgia rehabilitierte Pico nicht nur aus politischen Kalkül. Der ganz von der Renaissance geprägte Papst stand dessen Denken tatsächlich näher als dem seines Höflings Garcia, der sich ebenfalss treu blieb und sich in Barcelona den Reformen der katholischen Könige verschrieb» (p. 259)]. HENGSTERMANN C., Der Kosmos als Freiheit und Geschichte. Picos Origenismus im Heptaplus, in Origenes Humanista. Pico della Mirandolas Traktat De salute Origenis disputatio, 161-195. [1. Einleitung: Sein als Freiheit und Selbstschöpfung. Pico della Mirandola und der neuzeitliche Origenismus. 2. Die Welt als Bild und Gleichnis. Die Auslegung der Genesis bei Origenes und Pico della Mirandola: a) Typ und Allegorie: Kosmologie und Geschichtsphilosophie in der ersten Genesis-Homilie des Origenes; b) Theorie der symbolischen Formen: Urtheologie und mehrfacher Schriftsinn im Heptaplus. 3. Die Korrespondenz von Makro- und Mikrokosmus. Die origeneische Weltenlehre in Picos Heptaplus: a) Irdische, himmlische und geistige Welt. Elemente einer origeneischen Heilskosmologie; b) Der Mensch als vierte Welt. Aspekte einer origeneischer Freiheitsanthropologie. 4. Freiheit und Heilsgeschichte. Individuum und Kosmos in der origeneischen Genesisexegese des Heptaplus]. KOBUSCH T., Origenes und Pico. Picos Oratio im Licht der spätantiken Philosophie, in Origenes Humanista. Pico della Mirandolas Traktat De salute Origenis disputatio, 141-159. [1. Die besondere Stellung des Menschen im Kosmos. 2. Pico und der patristische Freiheitsgedanke. 3. Der Mensch: Vieh und Engel. 4. Origenes und Neuplatonismus oder zweite und erste Natur. 5. HoheliedMetaphysik. 6. Universales Christentum]. LEINKAUF T., Origenes in der Renaissance: Marsilio Ficino und Pietro Pomponazzi, in Origenes Humanista. Pico della Mirandolas Traktat De salute Origenis disputatio, 113-140. [1. Marsilio Ficino. 2. Pietro Pomponazzi. – «Wendet man sich der Präsenz des Origenes in der Renaissance oder der Frühen Neuzeit zu, muss diese komplexe Überlieferungsgeschichte radikal im Blick gehalten werden, radikal soll hier heißen: bis hin zu der Einsicht, dass, was “Origenes” genannt wird, gar nicht Origenes ist, oder dass, wo es um anathematisierte oder grundsätzlich häresieverdächtige origeneische Lehre geht, die tatsächliche Rezeption auch stillschweigend sich vollzogen hat. Das macht eine Darstellung des “revival of Origen”, um eine vielleicht doch überstürzte Formulierung Edgar Winds aufzugreifen, ausgesprochen schwierig und verlangt gute Kenntnis der Positionen des Alexandriners und zugleich tieflotende Auseinandersetzung mit den Texten des 15. bis frühen 17. Jahrhunderts. Max Schär hat in den 1970er Jahren einen solchen Versuch gewagt, und es kann nicht unbedingt verwundern, dass bei aller beachtlichen Mühe der Ertrag doch relativ überschaubar geblieben ist. Immer wieder muss er zu dem Resultat kommen, dass eine Auseinandersetzung, wenn denn überhaupt schon einmal der Namen des Anathematisierten explizit erwähnt wird, gar nicht stattgefunden hat oder nur oberflächlich geblieben ist. Mir scheint dieses Resultat, wenn man auch an einigen Stellen an einzelnen Urteilen Kritik üben musste, im Großen und Ganzen richtig zu sein. Ich denke eigentlich nicht, dass es zu einem solchen “revival” gekommen ist, und ich denke, dass die prägende Präsenz des Augustinus wesentlich größer und bedeutender gewesen ist» (p. 117)]. MUELLER-JOURDAN P., The Foundation of Origenist Metaphysics, in The Oxford Handbook of Maximus the Confessor, 149-163. [A systematic synthesis of Christian faith. Metaphysics and history: a reciprocal involvement. A primitive nature programmed to endless progression. Spirit/soul and matter. Rational creatures ( '()%*+) and Logoi: a differentiated consideration. About substance, inheritance and rupture. Origen’s four stages of creation. Suggested readings. Bibliography]. PRINZIVALLI E., Il Cod. Mon. Gr. 314, il traduttore ritrovato e l’imitatore ! 12. Origene (4. Studi) RAMELLI I.L.E., Evagrius Ponticus, the Origenian Ascetic (and not the Origenistic ‘Heretic’) ! 24. Evagrio TONDELLO G., Babai il grande e il santo Evagrio ! 24. Evagrio 14. Dionigi Alessandrino 15. Pierio di Alessandria 16. Pietro di Alessandria 17. Alessandro di Alessandria

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REPERTORIO BIBLIOGRAFICO 18. Ario Arianism: Roman Heresy and Barbarian Creed ! 1. Miscellanee e studi di carattere generale BARTOLOZZI G., L’ ὁμοούσιος niceno: alcune considerazioni, Aug. 53 (2013) 375-392. [Abstract: «This article will attempt to show that from the beginning of the letter of Eusebius of Nicomedia to Paulinus of Tyre, the meaning of ὁμοούσιος should be sought in the opposition on the part of the Council of Nicea to the divisive doctrine of hypostases by Arius and his followers. The assertion of the similarity or identity of nature or ousia between the Father and the Son that ὁμοούσιος suggests is traceable to the teaching of Alexander of Alexandria, but also of Eusthatius of Antioch, so that it could be thought that in Nicea a convergence between the two major opponents of Arius could have taken place, in the same way in which it had occurred over the Antiochene formula of 325. Analysis of the doctrine of ὁμοούσιος by Athanasius confirms that the term was opposed to the divisive interpretation of the hypostases within Arianism. The second part of the article takes into consideration the study on the interpretation of the Nicene ὁμοούσιος proposed by P.F. Beatrice. The Author argues that Beatrice’s thesis, which attempts to trace the introduction of the term in the Nicene Creed back exclusively to Constantine, with the agreement of Eusebius of Caesarea, is not backed by the documentation at our disposal»]. EDWARDS M.J., Why Did Constantine Label Arius a Porphyrian?, L’Antiquité Classique 82 (2013) 239-247. [Abstract: «Constantine stigmatised the condemned theologian Arius as a Porphyrian, though the Neoplatonist Porphyry is not represented elsewhere as the author of any Christian heresy. It is argued here that Constantine saw both Arius and Porphyry as enemies of his own understanding of Christ, the Logos or Word, as an actualised potentiality of the Father. Arius, holding the Logos to be “from nothing”, could not embrace the notion of Christ as the logos prophorikos proceeding from the logos endiathetos; Porphyry expressly denied that either of these epithets was consistent with the discrete identity of Christ as second person of the Trinity»]. MÜEHLBERGER E., The Legend of Arius’s Death: Imagination, Space and Filth in Late Ancient Historiography, Past and Present 227 (2015) 3-29. [I. Going public: how the death of Arius came to light. II. Situating the Arius legend: Christianity and imperial ceremonial culture during the Theodosian dynasty. III. Iconic objects and the meaning of space in the late ancient Christian imagination. Conclusion. – «This article has three sections. The first describes the earliest surviving appearance of the story of Arius’ death and traces the changes that were added to it in late antiquity. The version that ultimately became the dominant one had Arius dying near the famous porphyry column that stood at the centre of the Forum of Constantine, a space constructed as part of the dedication of Constantinople in 337 CE. The majority of the additions made to the story were first seen in Christian histories written in or centred on Constantinople during the first half of the fifth century, and the second section of the article explains the context in which these additions were generated: the late ancient discourse regarding Christian orthodoxy and the co-option, even merger, of Christian and imperial ritual in that city. Though the context for the expansion of the story was local and specific, the version created in that context resonated widely, far beyond the limits of Constantinople. The third section of the article explains why: Constantinople was a city known by more people than just its inhabitants. As the capital, it was represented across the empire, particularly through the symbol of the porphyry column from Constantine’s Forum. What is more, Christianity in late antiquity was heavily invested in the imagination as a religious faculty, and Christians of the period frequently remade the history of physical spaces by means of imagined objects and legends. Thus, the specific version of the story that originated in fifth-century Constantinopolitan politics happened to intersect with features in late ancient culture that helped it to emerge as the dominant version. The conclusion offers some observations about spaces and their representation in antiquity, discussing how what is imagined to be in a space can be as significant as what physically exists in it. For the story – legend, really – of Arius’ death is not a mere scatological curiosity of Christian history, but a complex and effective manipulation of represented space by means of an imagined event» (pp. 4-5)]. O’LEARY J., Incarnational Ontology and Paschal Transformation: Acts 2,36 in Contra Eunomium III 3 Gregorio di Nissa

! 21.3.

19. Eusebio di Cesarea Eusebius of Caesarea: Tradition and Innovations, ed. by A. JOHNSON and J. SCHOTT (Hellenic Studies, 60), Center for Hellenic Studies. Trustees for Harvard University, Washington/D.C., Harvard UP, Cambridge/Ma.–London 2013, pp. x+380 (= Eusebius of Caesarea: Tradition and Innovations). [Acknowledgments, vii; Abbreviations, ix-x. 1. A.P. JOHNSON, Introduction, 1-17. 2. D.J. DEVORE, Genre and Eusebius’ Ecclesiastical History: Toward a Focused Debate, 19-49. 3. J. CORKE-WEBSTER, Mothers and Martyrdom: Familial Piety and the Model of the Maccabees in Eusebius of Caesarea’s Ecclesiastical Hitory, 51-82. 4.

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ADAMANTIUS 21 (2015) E.C. PENLAND, The History of the Caesarean Present: Eusebius and Narratives of Origen, 83-95. 5. K. OLSON, A Eusebian Reading of the Testimonium Flavianum, 97-114. 6. F. DAMGAARD, Propaganda Against Propaganda: Revisiting Eusebius’ Use of the Figure of Moses in the Life of Constantine, 115-132. 7. P. VAN NUFFELEN, The Life of Constantine: The Image of an Image, 133-149. 8. M.J. HOLLERICH, Eusebius’ Commentary on the Psalms and Its Place in the Origins of Christian Biblical Scholarship, 151-167. 9. J. SCHOTT, Textuality and Territorialization: Eusebius’ Exegeses of Isaiah and Empire, 169-188. 10. A.P. JOHNSON, The Ends of Transfiguration: Eusebius’ Commentary on Luke (PG 24.549), 189-205. 11. S. MORLET, Origen as Exegetical Source in Eusebius’ Prophetic Extracts, 207-237. 12. C. ZAMAGNI, New Perspectives on Eusebius’ Questions and Answers on the Gospels: The Manuscripts, 239-261. 13. M. DELCOGLIANO, Eusebius of Caesarea on Asterius of Cappadocia in the AntiMarcellan Writings: A Case Study of Mutual Defense within the Eusebian Alliance, 263-287. 14. V.H. DRECOLL, How Binitarian/Trinitarian was Eusebius?, 289-305. 15. I.L.E. RAMELLI, Origen, Eusebius, the Doctrine of Apokatastasis, and Its Relation to Christology, 307-323. 16. K.A. MEINKING, Eusebius and Lactantius: Rhetoric, Philosophy, and Christian Theology, 325-350. J. SCHOTT, Afterword: Receptions, 351-369. Index locorum, 371-373; Index of Subjects, 375-380]. BAGHOS M., The Conflicting Portrayals of Origen in the Byzantine Tradition Origene

! 13. L’origenismo e la fortuna di

BARTOLOZZI G., L’ ὁμοούσιος niceno: alcune considerazioni ! 18. Ario CORKE-WEBSTER J., Mothers and Martyrdom: Familial Piety and the Model of the Maccabees in Eusebius of Caesarea’s Ecclesiastical Hitory, in Eusebius of Caesarea: Tradition and Innovations, 51-82. [The Maccabean family and Christian storytelling. Origen, martyrdom, and the Maccabean family. Eusebius, martyrdom, and the Maccabean family. Christian history, martyrdom, and the role of the family. Eusebius, the family, and Christian authority. – «This article has illustrated a number of points. First, in his creative use of Maccabean motifs, and in particular his use of those motifs in a manner different from Origen in a story about Origen, the subtlety of Eusebius’ narrative craft should be apparent. Though this is increasingly realized, Eusebius’ writings still deserve closer and more systematic readings of this kind. Second, his use of the Maccabean motif compared with Origen’s indicates distinct motivations in writing about martyrdom. This is not simply because martyrdom and the resistance to dominant culture it had often stood for were progressively less pressing concern as Eusebius wrote. More than that, Eusebius’ embrace of the current world order and the institutions of Empire lent fresh motivation in writing about the family. His attempt to encourage his Christian audience to warm to the value system and process of social reproduction that drove the Roman Empire stands in a long tradition of literature concerned to direct and mold its readers’ sympathies. It is precisely Christianity’s novel position in the early fourth century that motivates Eusebius’ complex writing. (...) Origen’s father Leonidas’ value for Eusebius is not his martyrdom, mentioned only briefly, but his education of his son. Similarly it is precisely “for the general good (εἰς τὴν πλείστων ὠφέλειαν) that Providence and his mother prevent Origen’s martyrdom. To what can this refer except the vast intellectual and pastoral contribution to the Christian community with which almost all of Eusebius’ subsequent discussion of Origen is concerned? Eusebius’ manipulation of Maccabean motifs contributes to the positive portrayal of the family at least in part because it was a locus of education. Eusebius’ narrative completely therefore does not simply assert the value of the Christian family. It is also part of a more farreaching attempt to co-opt his readers’ views on the very nature of Christian authority» (pp. 75-76)]. CRAWFORD M.R., Ammonius of Alexandria, Eusebius of Caesarea and the Origins of Gospels Scholarship, NTS 61 (2015) 1-29. [1. The Diatessaron-Gospel of Ammonius of Alexandria: 1.1. Who was Ammonius?; 1.2. Eusebius’ description in the Letter to Carpianus; 1.3. Alexandrian scholarly traditions and Ammonius’ work. 2. The Canon Tables of Eusebius of Caesarea: 2.1. The occasion of Eusebius’ creation; 2.2. The relation of Eusebius’s Canons to Ammonius’ Diatessaron-Gospel; 2.3. Eusebius’ modus operandi; 2.4. Eusebius’ visual message with the Canon Tables; 2.5. The Eusebian Canon Tables as a hermeneutical key to a canonical reading of the fourfold gospel. 3. Conclusion. – Abstract: «In the early third and fourth century respectively, Ammonius of Alexandria and Eusebius of Caesarea engaged in cutting-edge research on the relationships among the four canonical gospels. Indeed, these two figures stand at the head of the entire tradition of comparative literary analysis of the gospels. This article provides a more precise account of their contributions, as well as the relationship between the two figures. It argues that Ammonius, who was likely the teacher of Origen, composed the first gospel synopsis by placing similar passages in parallel columns. He gave this work the title Diatessaron-Gospel, referring thereby to the four columns in which his text was laid out. This pioneering piece of scholarship drew upon a long tradition of Alexandrian textual scholarship and likely served as the inspiration for Origen’s more famous Hexapla. A little over a century later, Eusebius of Caesarea picked up where Ammonius left off and attempted to accomplish the same goal, albeit using a different and improved method. Using the textual

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REPERTORIO BIBLIOGRAFICO parallels presented in the Diatessaron-Gospel as his ‘raw data’, Eusebius converted these textual units into numbers which he then collated in ten tables, or ‘canons’, standing at the beginning of a gospel book. The resulting cross-reference system, consisting of the Canon Tables as well as sectional enumeration throughout each gospel, allowed the user to find parallels between the gospels, but in such a way that the literary integrity of each of the four was preserved. Moreover, Eusebius also exploited the potential of his invention by including theologically suggestive cross-references, thereby subtly guiding the reader of the fourfold gospel to what might be called a canonical reading of the four»]. DAMGAARD F., Propaganda Against Propaganda: Revisiting Eusebius’ Use of the Figure of Moses in the Life of Constantine, in Eusebius of Caesarea: Tradition and Innovations, 115-132. [Introduction. Moses in Constantine’s own political propaganda. Playing Constantine’s game. Revisiting the use of Moses in the Life of Constantine. Constructing a Christian dynasty. Conclusion. – «As we have seen, Constantine himself already appeals to Moses and the Exodus narratives in his Oration to the Saints. Eusebius was accordingly not the first to compare Constantine and Moses; on the contrary, the comparison probably came into being in Constantine’s own propaganda machine. Eusebius, however, not only reproduces the propaganda, he also adapts the comparison to his own agenda. Thus, whereas Constantine used the comparison to issue a subtle warning to his audience of bishops concerning their divisive behavior, Eusebius, by contrast, focuses on the similarities between Constantine and Moses in order to control and define the character of the Constantinian dynasty» (p. 128)]. DELCOGLIANO M., Eusebius of Caesarea on Asterius of Cappadocia in the Anti-Marcellan Writings: A Case Study of Mutual Defense within the Eusebian Alliance, in Eusebius of Caesarea: Tradition and Innovations, 263-287. [The Eusebian alliance. A Eusebian tradition of mutual defense: the two Eusebii and Asterius. Asterius’ Apologia for Eusebius of Nicomedia. Eusebius’ defense and critique of the other Eusebians. Eusebius’ defense and critique of Asterius. Conclusion. – «The anti-Marcellan writings of Eusebius played a key role in the development and transmission of Eusebian theology. He is first of all responsible for preserving precious fragments of the writings of Paulinus, Narcissus, and Asterius, much as he saved many texts, Christian, Jewish, and Greco-Roman alike, in his Historia Ecclesiastica, Praeparatio Evangelica, and Demonstratio Evangelica. But, just as in those works, so in the anti-Marcellan treatises, he is not merely a conserver. He engages with the theology of his fellow Eusebians, sometimes jettisoning it (as with Paulinus and Narcissus), sometimes developing it in new directions (as with Asterius), but in every case drawing upon his previous theological work and updating it to respond to contemporary concerns and challenges. And thus he achieved a classic expression of Eusebian theology that incorporated and expanded upon the views of Asterius, a theology that was enormously influential in the following decades» (p. 285)]. DEVORE D.J., Eusebius’ Un-Josephan History: Two Portraits of Philo of Alexandria and the Sources of Ecclesiastical Historiography, in Studia Patristica LXVI/14: Clement of Alexandria. The Fourth-Century Debates, 161-179. [1. Philo in Josephus. 2. Philo in Eusebius. 3. Eusebius the Biographer. 4. Why profile a Judean? 5. Conclusion. Appendix 1: Which philosophical biographies did Eusebius read?; Appendix 2: Philo and Josephus as ‘Judean’ and ‘Hebrew’. Acknowledgments. – Abstract: «The textual Vorbild most commonly posited for Eusebius’ Historia Ecclesiastica is Flavius Josephus’ Antiquitates Judaicae. This paper probes the limits of Eusebius’ use of Josephus through a case study, a comparison of how each historian represented Philo of Alexandria. Josephus mentions Philo just once in the AJ, when the philosopher defended the Judeans of Alexandria before Caligula (18.259f.). Such sparse coverage of Philo is striking because description of the great Judean’s philosophical activity would have enhanced the Judean glories exhibited in the AJ. Far richer is Eusebius’ portrayal of Philo: not only does Philo’s political service come up in the Hist. eccl. (2.6), but Eusebius also praises Philo’s erudition (2.4), notes purported encounters with Peter and Mark (2.16), reproduces the philosopher’s description of a purportedly Christian ascetic community (2.17), and catalogues his writings (2.18): in short, Eusebius foregrounds Philo’s philosophical achievements alongside the political, deploying many un-Josephan literary topoi along the way. That Eusebius stressed Philo’s literary and philosophical activities, as well as the political service narrated by Josephus, illustrates how the models for the pioneer of church history included philosophical biography along with national historiography along Josephan lines. The paper concludes by showing that the topoi whereby Eusebius represented Philo are paralleled in Diogenes Laertius’ Lives and Opinions of the Famous Philosophers, the best surviving example of philosophical historiography. Eusebius’ display of Philo’s intellectual accomplishments through biographical topoi both reinforced the Jewish philosopher’s credibility as an admirer of Christianity and encouraged comparison between Philo and the Christian intellectuals portrayed throughout the Hist. eccl.»]. – Genre and Eusebius’ Ecclesiastical History: Toward a Focused Debate, in Eusebius of Caesarea: Tradition and Innovations, 19-49. [Genre theory and generic cues: a framework for approaching Eusebian genre. Interpreting the Ecclesiastical History’s genre: five criteria: Narrative or non-narrative?; Focalization; Chronological limits; Chronological

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ADAMANTIUS 21 (2015) arrangement; Subject matter. The Ecclesiastical History: generic participation and generic innovation. Conclusion. – «Eusebius incorporated several genres, both historiographical and extra-historiographical, both pre-Christian and Christian, into his text: cues toward heresiology, apology, and martyr drama amalgamate and overlap with national, war, and intellectual historiography. The Ecclesiastical History thus sets previous historiographical genres into dialogue – and sometimes pits them into contests – with genres anchored in contemporary Christian discourse. The innovative blend of these genres not only constructed a novel subgenre named after this seminal Ekklesiastike Historia (though Eusebius could not have expected this): since generic schemata draw associations between different realms of knowledge, Eusebius’ generic cues also became the ingredients for a new model of the Christian past. The product, if the generic associations presented here prove cogent, was a vision of a religious group whose past heroes constituted an ethnic nation, an intellectual sect, and an army against supernatural enemies» (pp. 44-45)]. DRECOLL V.H., How Binitarian/Trinitarian was Eusebius?, in Eusebius of Caesarea: Tradition and Innovations, 289-305. [The German discussion about Eusebius’ «Binitarism». The impact of Marcellus for the Trinitarian theology of Eusebius. – «So, how Binitarian/Trinitarian was Eusebius? To my mind, pneumatology as a part of Trinitarian thought in general was not extremely important to Eusebius; we have only a couple of pages about it in his work. So we may say: no, he was not really a Trinitarian theologian, but integrated the Holy Spirit in hierarchies between God, the Logos, and the angels. In the controversy with Marcellus, however, he felt obliged to say something about pneumatology. In so doing, he developed a considerably important pneumatology that was dependent on Origen. Regarding the impact of this pneumatology on the development of Trinitarian thought in the fourth century, we may say: yes, he became a Trinitarian theologian due to Marcellus. So, he was in fact a theologian whose position shaped the properly Trinitarian aspect of the theological discussion for approximately fifty years. The Trinitarian debate cannot be understood without the Trinitarian theology of Eusebius. I suppose there are not very many pneumatological passages for which we could claim a similar significance» (p. 303)]. GAYTÁN LUNA J.A., Fin del mundo y destino final del hombre. La exégesis escatólogica de 1 Ad Corinthios 7,31, y 15,50 en la literatura cristiana antigua ! 1. Miscellanee e studi di carattere generale [Capítulo Cuarto. La consolidación de las dos líneas exegéticas entre los siglos III y IV: 1. 1 Cor. 7,31, en la línea exgética gnóstico-espiritual: Eusebio de Cesarea, 128-133]. HOLLERICH M.J., Eusebius’ Commentary on the Psalms and Its Place in the Origins of Christian Biblical Scholarship, in Eusebius of Caesarea: Tradition and Innovations, 151-167. [The date of the commentary. Purpose and occasion for writing. Content and character. – «Eusebius’ Commentary on the Psalms is probably the longest book he ever wrote. It came late in his career, at a time when the Church was basking in the emperor’s favor and when the party of those with misgivings about the Council of Nicaea felt that politico-dogmatic momentum had swung in their favor, with the rehabilitation of Arius and the ascendancy of Eusebius of Nicomedia at court. It is one of only two line-by-line biblical commentaries that he appears to have written. It is the first Christian commentary on the entire Psalter. And it shows Eusebius both in the full possession of the skills he had acquired during his tutelage under Pamphilus and refined in his many books, and also exploiting the resources in the library at Caesarea, the richness of which recent scholarship has given us fresh appreciation» (p. 151)]. JOHNSON A.P., The Ends of Transfiguration: Eusebius’ Commentary on Luke (PG 24.549), in Eusebius of Caesarea: Tradition and Innovations, 189-205. [Background. Text and translation. Eschatology and transfiguration. – «The commentary’s exposition of the Transfiguration cautions us with respect to several dominant assertion about Eusebius. While he certainly promoted notions of Christian supercessionism and triumphalism over the Jews, his emphasis on the cloud’s obscuring effects confined even Christ’s disciples to the realm of ambiguity. The achievement of the clearsighted vision of the divine, such as that of Abraham and other Hebrew holy men, was deferred. Also, in spite of the frequent declarations of Eusebius’ dependence on Origen, the preceding discussion has discovered an independent and less optimistic interpretive approach to the biblical text. Furthermore, the eschatology of the passage (and of the remainder of the Commentary on Luke) is firm and widespread (contrary to the modern emphasis on anti-millenarianism, which flattens his multifaceted approach to eschatological elements of Scripture); and it remains consistently future-oriented (in contrast to declarations of a “realized eschatology” in Eusebius’ thought)» (pp. 201-202)]. LEONI J., Martiri e soldati in Eusebio di Cesarea, RHE 110 (2015) 5-28. [Cristiani e militia: le fonti. Eusebio di Cesarea e i soldati martiri: Martiri soldati alessandrini; Marino di Cesarea di Palestina (256-257); L’epurazione dell’esercito sotto Diocleziano; La persecuzione dioclezianea. Conclusione. – Summary: «This article highlights Eusebius of Caesarea’s contribution to the history of the martyr soldiers and offers an interpretation of the soldiers’ martyrdom from after the Constantinian turn.

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REPERTORIO BIBLIOGRAFICO Eusebius testifies to the variety of situations which certain Christian soldiers in Alexandria and Caesarea of Palestine, as well as the Diocletian persecution’s martyrs, found themselves in. They continued their careers until the moment when a situation arose representing an obstacle to their faith, a situation linked to the pagan rites of the castra and which led to their refusal of military engagement and martyrdom. In the context of the Constantinian turn, the soldiers’s martyrdom became a model against the claims of sacralization of imperial power. At the same time, given Eusebius’ historical-theological conceptions, the Christian soldier can participate on the front lines in God’s providential plan, while serving in the ranks of an army become Christian against the enemies of the faith» (p. 29)]. MASPERO G., L’uomo e la Trinità: logos e schesis nelle analogie psicologiche greche carattere generale

! 1. Miscellanee e studi di

MEINKING K.A., Eusebius and Lactantius: Rhetoric, Philosophy, and Christian Theology, in Eusebius of Caesarea: Tradition and Innovations, 325-350. [«My aim in this essay is to outline the basic contours of Lactantius’ argument and to suggest its significance, not only on its own, but also as a counter to Eusebius. Indeed, by examining Lactantius, we can better understand Eusebius. Both apologists lived through and wrote about the same historical events, both were steeped in the classical rhetorical tradition, and both manipulated that tradition in order to represent Christianity in very specific ways. Yet in corpus and in theological persuasion, these two Christian intellectuals maintained decidedly different opinions. In what follows, I argue that, in De ira Dei, we see the hallmarks and effects – strategic and unnoticed, intentional and conditioned – of an intellectual tradition that stands in marked contrast to that of Eusebius» (p. 325)]. MORLET S., Origen as Exegetical Source in Eusebius’ Prophetic Extracts, in Eusebius of Caesarea: Tradition and Innovations, 207-237. [Eusebius’ method in the Ecl. Proph. «Concluding formulas» in the Ecl. Proph. as indications to readers. Eusebius’ exegesis of the Psalms in the Ecl. Proph. Conclusions. – «This analysis tends to confirm that Origen’s Tomoi were Eusebius’ main source in Ecl. Proph. 2. The same must be true in the other books. Origen was his main source, but that did not prevent him from using other authors (such as Clement) and giving original comments. Moreover, some of the texts mentioned above tend to confirm the comparison between the prologue of Book IV and Origen’s Against Celsus: Eusebius may follow his master so close that when he does, he sometimes reproduces literally (with little or no modifications) what Origen writes. The consequence is that the Ecl. Proph. are a major witness of Origen’s lost exegesis. This is not surprising. At that time, Eusebius had learned, in the circle of Pamphilus, to read and admire the Alexandrian. Before the death of Pamphilus in 310, he had spent a long time copying Origen’s opera omnia along with his friend. We can guess that the “teaching” of Pamphilus, alluded to in the History of the Church and the Martyrs of Palestine, was based of course on the Bible, but probably as much on Origen’s works» (p. 222)]. –, La Préparation évangélique d’Eusèbe et les Stromates perdus d’Origène: Nouvelles considérations, Revue de Philologie, de Littérature et d’Histoire Anciennes 87 (2013) 107-123. [1. Le nom divin (Préparation évangélique, XI, 12). 2. La justesse des noms hébreux (Préparation évangélique, XI, 6). 3. Conclusion. – «L’ensemble du dossier tend à confirmer que les livres XI-XII de la Préparation évangélique ont probablement une source et que cette source est une œuvre d’Origène. Cette œuvre peut très bien s’identifier aux Stromates. L’hypothèse d’H.D. Saffrey trouve donc une confirmation de plus, grâce à des arguments complètement différents de ceux qu’il proposait en 1975. Une telle conclusion présente un intérêt, non seulement pour notre compréhension du projet apologétique d’Eusèbe et de sa genèse, mais encore pour notre connaissance d’une œuvre perdue d’Origène, dont l’intention et le contenu restent peu clairs. (...) S’il a utilisé les Stromates dans les livres XI-XII de la Préparation, on doit estimer que sa contribution personnelle a consisté avant tout à centrer la comparaison de l’Écriture et de la philosophie sur Platon et les platoniciens, à l’exclusion des autres philosophes, à actualiser le dossier d’Origène au moyen d’auteurs plus récents (Plotin, Porphyre), et à inscrire cette comparaison dans un projet apologétique plus large. Dans cette section de l’œuvre, les extraits de Platon et de Numénius ne dérivent donc pas nécessairement de lectures personnelles: ils peuvent avoir été repris aux Stromates. L’autre conclusion provisoire de cette étude, c’est que les livres XIXII de la Préparation constituent peut-être un témoin essentiel des Stromates – la part de la contribution personnelle d’Eusèbe restant difficile à préciser au-delà des aspects déjà évoqués. Ces livres, si l’on suit l’hypothèse d’H.D. Saffrey, confirmeraient la description des Stromates laissée par Jérôme – celle d’un ouvrage consacré à comparer la doctrine chrétienne et un certain nombre d’opinions philosophiques. C’est d’autant plus important que les fragments explicites des Stromates ne correspondent pas à cette description et laissent plutôt deviner un ouvrage constitué de développments exégétiques. Peut-être faut-il admettre, conformément au titre de “Stromates” qu’il s’agissait d’un ouvrage varié, comportant, dans certains livres, une comparaison de la doctrine chrétienne et de la philosophie, et dans d’autres, des commentaires de l’Écriture» (pp. 122123)].

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ADAMANTIUS 21 (2015) –, Mentions et interprétations du tétragramme chez Eusèbe de Césarée, REAug 60 (2014) 213-252. [I. Un témoignage sur des traditions relatives au tétragramme. II. Un témoignage sur l’histoire du texte biblique. III. L’exégèse du tétragramme chez Eusèbe. IV. Origène, source d’Eusèbe. V. L’originalité d’Eusèbe. Conclusion. – Abstract: «Eusebius appears to be the ancient Christian writer who most often alludes to the tetragrammaton. This paper offers all the texts in Greek with translation. Eusebius attests to a few Jewish traditions about the divine name. It also informs us about witnesses of the biblical text - which cannot always be identified easily – where the tetragrammaton was written in Hebrew. Eusebius has a specific way of interpreting the tetragrammaton: either as an indication of the Father as opposed to the Son, or of the Son’s divinity as opposed to the angels. Eusebius here breaks with the Jewish interpretation but also with Origen, though the latter seems to be his main source. The Alexandrian indeed appears to hold the tetragrammaton above all, if not exclusively as a name of God as such, that is to say, of the Father»]. OLSON K., A Eusebian Reading of the Testimonium Flavianum, in Eusebius of Caesarea: Tradition and Innovations, 97-114. [«As Whealey has argued, the earliest Christian writers to discuss Josephus were concerned mostly with Against Apion and the Jewish War. Origen and Eusebius are the first Christian authors to show unmistakably familiarity with the Antiquities, and Porphyry is the only pagan author who does. The full extent of Eusebius’ influence on both Christian interpretation of Josephus and on the transmission of Josephus’ text remains an open question. In the particular case of the Testimonium, however, it seems very likely that Eusebius’ work influenced the transmission of the Greek manuscripts of Book XVIII of the Antiquities» (p. 112)]. PENLAND E.C., The History of the Caesarean Present: Eusebius and Narratives of Origen, in Eusebius of Caesarea: Tradition and Innovations, 83-95. [«(...) The search for Origen ends where it starts, in the compositional present of Eusebius and the origin narratives of the school at Caesarea. The written biography of Origen can be read profitably within the writing project of the Ecclesiastical History and its many forms of appealing to the memory and the authority of Origen. The parallel material from the Martyrs supports a reading of Eusebius as a figure living in a school context with explicit interest in establishing, maintaining, cultivating and, in part, creating the legacy of Origen at Caesarea» (p. 93)]. RAMELLI I.L.E., Origen, Eusebius, the Doctrine of Apokatastasis, and Its Relation to Christology, in Eusebius of Caesarea: Tradition and Innovations, 307-323. [«Eusebius clearly depends on Origen’s doctrine of apokatastasis in several respects, and in particular in his exegesis of 1 Cor 15:28, a biblical pillar for Origen’s doctrine of apokatastasis. Origen’s exegesis in turn proves extremely influential on Gregory of Nyssa, in De Anima et Resurrection and In Illud: Tunc et ipse Filius. As Origen in Princ. 3.5.7 opposes a subordinationistic interpretation of 1 Cor 15:28, Gregory opposes its “Arian” subordinationistic interpretation. He explains that Paul’s statement indicates, not the Son’s inferiority to the Father, but rather all humanity’s salvific submission. The background provided by Origen for Gregory’s In Illud is evident in every passage of this work. The fact that Eusebius interprets 1 Cor 15:28 in the same way as Origen and, later, Gregory of Nyssa depends on his adherence to Origen’s doctrine of ὁμοουσία between the Father and the Son and an anti-subordinationistic conception of their relationship. This may sound surprinsing in the light of the accusations of “Arianism” or “Semi-arianism” leveled against Eusebius, but in fact it is a natural consequence of his profound adherence to Origen’s thought» (p. 320)]. ROBBE S.A., Finalità e tecniche della traduzione della Historia Ecclesiastica. Alcuni esempi ! 25. Rufino di Aquileia SCHOTT J., Textuality and Territorialization: Eusebius’ Exegeses of Isaiah and Empire, in Eusebius of Caesarea: Tradition and Innovations, 169-188. [Theorizing imperial space and textuality. Eusebius Commentary on Isaiah and imperial textuality. Prophecies against Moab. Conclusions and speculations. – «This essay lays particular stress on imperial textuality as spatiality. Empire, after all, brings into being/is brought into being as particular kinds of places: metropolis, province, border, frontier, and so forth. My essay’s emphasis on space, territory, and aesthetics is, moreover, suggested by Eusebius’ œuvre itself. For all its bookishness, Eusebius was also profoundly interested in the visual and spatial world around him» (p. 170)]. SIMMONS M.B., Universalism in Eusebius of Caesarea: The Soteriological Use of Nlcd d a q o r p d a i h l á h l i x in Book III of the Theophany, in Studia Patristica LXVI/14: Clement of Alexandria. The Fourth-Century Debates, 125133. [I. Dating the Theophany. II. Soteriological formulae in Theophany, Book III. – Abstract: «This paper complements recent articles on Eusebian universalism. Since 1842 when the first Syriac edition was published, until the present time, very little has been written about the Theophany of Eusebius of Caesarea, making it one of the most neglected works in the history of Patristic scholarship. There are two reasons for this neglect. First, only seventeen fragments of the original Greek text survive, and the entire work is extant only in a

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REPERTORIO BIBLIOGRAFICO Syriac translation. Second, scholars have often made the erroneous conclusion that the work is simply the result of material reworked from the earlier PE, DE, VC, LC, and SC, and, thus, it contains nothing original. The following three objec-tives of this paper will hopefully begin to correct these errors and create new avenues of exploration: (1) to briefly address some of the major chronological issues in dating the text; (2) analyze how the phrase Nlcd d a q o r p d a i h l á h l i x (“the divine power of the Saviour of us all”) and cognate terminology in Book III soteriologically function within a paradigm of universalism; and (3) argue that although the universalism argument in the Theophany is indebted to the earlier works noted, it nevertheless contains its own distinct features, and the major adversary is Porphyry of Tyre»]. SINGH D., Eusebius as Political Theologian: The Legend Continues, HThR 108 (2015) 129-154. [Hellenistic political thought and Eusebian appropriation. Eusebius, Constantine, and correspondence. Conclusion. – «If Eusebius does provide a strong legitimation of monarchy and subsequent Christian empire, he does not appear to be led there ineluctably by his model of God. The precise motivations for Eusebius’s exaltation of Constantine remain the subject of debate. Needed are further analyses of his rhetoric, the offence of which is its apparent lack of apophatic reserve, its seemingly bold and blatant movements from the theological to the political. Eusebius appears too quickly to translate an idea of God to emperor (or vice versa), although, as I have tried to show, this move is not so swift and simple as many have claimed, given the necessity of accounting for the Logos. And while he is generally written off as ideologue or propagandist, as Peterson does, there may be more at work in his praise of the emperor. For example, the Vit. Const. quite possibly functioned as a Fürstenspiegel, a “mirror for princes” for Constantine’s sons, training them in Christian principles of leadership. In such case the ideal portrait of the emperor serves less as flattery than as a standard to which his sons are called and displays understandable distance from reality» (p. 153)]. THELAMON F., Rufin: l’Histoire ecclésiastique et ses lecteurs occidentaux ! 25. Rufino di Aquileia NUFFELEN P., The Life of Constantine: The Image of an Image, in Eusebius of Caesarea: Tradition and Innovations, 133-149. [«Logos stands agape». A cascade of images. The power of images. Idols. The Holy Sepulchre. Conclusion. – «It has recently been argued that later antiquity is marked by a fundamental shift in the act of viewing: images came to be seen as gateway to a superior reality and their contemplation could hence transform the viewer. James Francis has suggested that it is typical for Late Antiquity that individuals could become “living icons” and thus function as images of a higher reality. Eusebius can indeed be seen as part of that trend, in particular in the way in which he sets Constantine up as a living image of God’s rule. Nevertheless, this emphasis on Constantine as a “living icon” is complicated in the Life of Constantine in two respects. First, there is the pervading consciousness that human images always fall short of the divine. It is indeed significant that, for Eusebius, Constantine is not a direct image of God, but of “his own monarchical rule” (VC 1.5.1). Secondly, the Life of Constantine is written after the death of the emperor. The image that is Constantine is hence only accessible through the traces that he has left: the Life collects images of an image» (pp. 145-146)].

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VERONESE M., Pro verbis virtus. La disputa tra un filosofo e un confessore nella Historia Ecclesiastica di Rufino ! 25. Rufino di Aquileia WALLRAFF M., The Canon Tables of the Psalms. An Unknown Work of Eusebius of Caesarea, DOP 67 (2013) 1-14. [The Canon tables of the Psalms. Manuscript transmission and authenticity. The textual basis of the tables. – «It is a plausible hypothesis to surmise that the canon tables originated in the context of Eusebius’s work on the commentary on the psalms. This is usually dated late in his life, some time after 330 (albeit on no firm grounds). The tables, the “hypotheseis”, and the brief explanatory text could have been part of the same project. In this case the explanatory note would have played a role similar to the one played by the letter to Carpianus which usually accompanies the canon tables of the gospels. However, one has to be careful with too-far-reaching conclusions before the manuscript transmission of all these items has been clarified» (pp. 13-14)]. –, Sonnenkönig der Spätantike. Die Religionspolitik Konstantins des Großen ! 1. Miscellanee e studi di carattere generale WHEALEY A., The Greek Fragments attributed to Eusebius of Caesarea’s Theophania, VigChr 69 (2015) 18-29. [Abstract: «Some of the Greek fragments that Nicetas of Heraclea attributed to Eusebius of Caesarea’s Theophania lack parallels in the intact Syriac translation of the work. Many of the Greek fragments that lack a Syriac counterpart were not in fact authored by Eusebius of Caesarea, for their themes, vocabulary and style are not characteristic of him. Rather, most of them were authored by Eusebius of Emesa, and were wrongly attributed to the bishop of Caesarea through name confusion in the catenae lemmata. At least two Greek fragments missing in the Syriac version were authored by Eusebius of Caesarea. This suggests that the Syriac translator may have used a version of Theophania that abbreviated parts of the original»]. ZAMAGNI C., New Perspectives on Eusebius’ Questions and Answers on the Gospels: The Manuscripts, in Eusebius of Caesarea: Tradition and Innovations, 239-261.

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ADAMANTIUS 21 (2015) [I. Manuscript of the ekloge. II. Manuscripts of the catena on Luke by Nicetas of Herakleia. III. Greek manuscripts containing parts of Eusebius’ Questions. IV. Syriac manuscripts containing parts of Eusebius’ Questions.VI. Arabic manuscripts of the so-called monophysite dogmatic florilegium. VII. Ethiopic manuscripts of the so-called monophysite dogmatic florilegium. VIII. Greek and Latin manuscripts containing other Eusebius’ extracts or unidentified Questions on the Gospels. – «The Questions of Eusebius are unfortunately lost in their original form, but there are two main Greek textual traditions that retain parts of Eusebius’ lost work. There is a shortened Greek form, containing twenty questions-and-answers, the ekloge (selection, choice), as it is titled. This shortened form exists in a single manuscript (Vaticanus Palatinus Graecus 220), which was edited by Angelo Mai in 1825. Then we have many Greek fragments in the Catena on Luke by Nicetas of Herakleia (eleventh century). These two traditions partly cover the same sections of the text, but each one also has its own sections. This demonstrates that both come directly from the original lost text, and that both are equally important to its reconstruction» (p. 243)]. 20. Atanasio ANDIA Y. DE, Ἀντώνιος ὡς ὑπὸ λόγου κυβερνώμενος (Vita Antonii 14,4), in Il Logos di Dio e il logos dell’uomo, 207224. [Introduction. I. Hagiographie et philosophie. II. Les pensées (λογισμοί) et la pensée (λογίζεσθαι) du Seigneur. – Abstract: «L’auteur présente une réflexion sur le logos dans la Vie d’Antoine pour montrer la place de la raison dans la présentation d’Antoine par Athanase d’Alexandrie (c’est l’aspect anthropologique de cette étude), mais aussi dans ses dialogues avec les moines (c’est l’aspect fondé sur la Parole de Dieu, le Logos divin), et avec les philosophes à qui il “rend raison” de sa foi et critique leurs propres raisonnements (c’est l’aspect apologétique de son enseignement). Dans ses dialogues avec les moines, ce qui est en jeu c’est la relation de la parole humaine et de la Parole divine, lue dans les Écritures ou entendue dans le cœur; dans ses dialogues avec les philosophes, il s’agit de la relation de la foi et de la raison qui implique à la fois un exposé rationnel de la foi et une critique de la raison philosophique et de ses méthodes, la dialectique ou la sophistique»]. BARTOLOZZI G., L’ ὁμοούσιος niceno: alcune considerazioni ! 18. Ario GATHER J., The Recitation of the Psalms among Early Christian Ascetics generale

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KAMIMURA N., Augustine’s Quest for Perfection and the Encounter with the Vita Antonii ! 29. Agostino KOLBET P.R., Athanasius, the Psalms, and the Reformation of the Self, in The Harp of the Prophecy. Early Christian Interpretation of the Psalms, 75-96. [Psalms as a means for appropriating revelatory knowledge of both Christ and the soul. The exercises of speech, actions, and song. – «Knowing well the resistance that human life gives to its own perfection, Athanasius understood the Psalter to be all the more necessary in appropriating the Christian faith. Not unlike contemporary Hellenistic philosophers, Athanasius believed that personal practice convinced the mind as much as any proof. He therefore advised Marcellinus to adopt a regime of physical actions that would occupy the mind and train the body. Athanasius was acutely aware of the manner in which the malleability of the human person is a source of greatness and wretchedness. For the same instability of form that brings with it the possibility of falling into nothingness simultaneously presents the capacity for training and amendment of life. The daily chanting of psalms then is a therapy that gradually heals the human person. The language of the Psalter progressively “counters the instability of selfhood” with the stability of a written text that becomes a second nature when it is written in the soul» (p. 88)]. O’LEARY J., Incarnational Ontology and Paschal Transformation: Acts 2,36 in Contra Eunomium III 3 Gregorio di Nissa

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ZAWADZKI K.F., Neue griechische Fragmente des Cyrill von Alexandrien, (Pseudo-)Athanasius, Philoxenos, Severus von Antiochien und Ammonios: patristische Auslegungen zum 1. Korintherbrief (ediert aus dem Codex Pantokratoros 28) ! 31. Cirillo Alessandrino 21. I Padri Cappadoci CASSIN M., Contre Eunome III: une introduction ! 21.3. Gregorio di Nissa LO CICERO C., Rufino e i Cappadoci ! 25. Rufino di Aquileia LO IACONO S., Le traduzioni monastiche di Rufino e il suo modello di monachesimo ! 25. Rufino di Aquileia MASPERO G., L’uomo e la Trinità: logos e schesis nelle analogie psicologiche greche carattere generale 21.1. Basilio di Cesarea

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REPERTORIO BIBLIOGRAFICO EMMENEGGER G., Heil und Heilung: Medizin als Metapher für Erlösung bei Basilius, in Für uns und für unser Heil: Soteriologie in Ost und West, 91-102. [Einleitung. 1. Die Medizin als Metapher der Erlösung. 2. Medizin als Forderung der Barmherzigkeit. 3. Darf man die Heilkunde nützen?]. GAYTÁN LUNA J.A., Fin del mundo y destino final del hombre. La exégesis escatólogica de 1 Ad Corinthios 7,31, y 15,50 en la literatura cristiana antigua ! 1. Miscellanee e studi di carattere generale GIRARDI M., Origene e la Cappadocia. Basilio e l’esegesi ‘alessandrina’ dei Salmi, Adamantius 20 (2014) 160-172. [Premessa. 1. Il prologo als salmo 1. 2. Hom. in ps. 29. 3. Hom. in ps. 32. 4. Hom. in ps. 33. 5. Hom. in ps. 45. 6. Hom. in ps. 59. Note conclusive. – Abstract: «Basil praises Origen’s exegetical production on Psalms (Spir. 29). Though Origen’s commentaries on this Biblical book have been lost, still the influence of his extant homilies can be detected in some allegorical interpretations Basil proposes. The Cappadocian Father looks at Origen works through the lenses of ‘Alexandrian’ authors: Didymus, Eusebius, Evagrius, sometimes Athanasius. He doesn’t slavishly excerpt from his sources: he does draw on argumentative structure and reproduce biblical quotations in quite identical terms, but the articulation and choice of biblical texts, some variations in the interpretation, and mostly the overall outcome bear undeniably the imprint of such a shepherd and moralist as Basil was. Alexandrian hermeneutical strategies and techniques (etymological symbolism; survey of more than a single interpretive option on a further allegorical level; references to Hexaplar readings in order to enrich the spiritual interpretation; appeals to the Bible’s figurative language and textual obscurity; rejection of divine anthropomorphisms; critique of ‘Jewish’ literalism; grammatical and rhetorical comments and deployment of a multileveled semantics between secular and sacred, literal and allegorical, moral and mystical) are resorted to with caution and balance: Basil develops both Christological and ecclesiological (and mystical-psychological) exegesis, but the latter is preferred. In a period of scorching controversy on Origen’s legacy, Basil evidently follows ‘Alexandrian’ exegetical trends, at the same time reassessing and ‘innovating’ them in the light of his well known knowledge of Scripture as well as his exegetical freedom, aiming at the spiritual benefit of his community»]. HARRISON N.V., Gender Allegories in Basil of Caesarea’s Homily on Psalm 45, in The Harp of the Prophecy. Early Christian Interpretation of the Psalms, 127-148. [The complexities of gender language. Christ as moral example. The figure of the bride. Christology and gender. The relationship between Christ and the Church. – «In Basil’s imagery, the faithful are members of the Bridegroom who share his blessing, and he is the face of the bride. This means that because of the union and continuity between them, the church shares Christ’s symbolic masculinity and Christ shares the church’s symbolic femininity. The church and the human persons gathered in it are allegorically both masculine and feminine. As we have seen, gender conjunction, crossover, and paradox are inherent in the structure of the allegorical discourse that describes them. Thus the divine Logos as Head and Bridegroom through the mediation of his own humanity becomes the source of life, activity, and virtue, both for the figuratively masculine body that manifests him and for the figuratively feminine bride that receives and responds to his love. Human wholedness includes both of these dimensions. The recitation of psalms, in this way, became for Basil and other early Christians a deeply formative practice challenging cultural constructions of gender and influencing the concrete experience of individuals» (p. 144)]. LUGARESI L., Il logos di Basilio: fede, cultura e amicizia nell’Or. 43 di Gregorio Nazianzeno Nazianzo

! 21.2. Gregorio di

MCCONNELL T.P., Illumination in Basil of Caesarea’s Doctrine of the Holy Spirit, Fortress Press, Minneapolis 2014, pp. xii+247. RASMUSSEN A., Basil of Caesarea’s Uses of Origen in His Polemic against Astrology, ZAC 18 (2014) 471-485. [The intellectual context: astrology as a science. The theological context: Basil and the Philocalia. The scriptural context: the exegesis of Genesis 1:14b. Five correspondences between Origen’s and Basil’s texts. Conclusion. – Abstract: «Basil of Caesarea, in his polemic against astrology (Homiliae in hexaemeron 6,5-7), makes direct, creative uses of Origen’s anti-astrological treatise (Philocalia 23). My argument is based on an identical context, namely the interpretation of Gen 1:14b, and five close similarities in content, some verbatim, between Basil’s sermon and Origen’s anti-astrological polemic (and in one case a passage from De principiis). These five similarities are on the topics of the definition of genethlialogy, the system of genthlialogy, aspects, the life of the stars, and fatalism. In each instance, Basil uses Origen in a different way. These uses run the gamut from the wholesale adoption of Origen’s definition of genethlialogy to the refutation of Origen’s belief that the stars are alive. Adaptation is necessitated, not only by Basil’s inherent creativity and relative independence from Origen, but by the fact that the rhetorical form of Basil’s treatment is different from Origen’s: whereas Origen offers a commentarial treatment with a systematic question-andanswer structure, Basil’s argument is a rhetorically sophisticated diatribe, which uses sarcasm and mockery to

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ADAMANTIUS 21 (2015) entertain as well as persuade its audience. Basil uses Origen sometimes freely, sometimes verbatim, but always critically, to support his own goals»]. 21.2. Gregorio di Nazianzo BADY G., La lumière, image de Dieu et nom de l’homme chez Grégoire de Nazianze, RSPhTh 97 (2013) 459-476. [I. Le sens théologique et apophatique de la lumière. II. Le sens anthropologique de la lumière. – Abstract: «Dans la deuxième moitié du IVe siècle, Grégoire de Nazianze, plus tard surnommé «le Théologien», est l’un des Pères grecs chez qui le thème de la lumière est le plus présent. Terme privilégié dans l’expression de la divinité, la lumière permet de faire le lien entre une formulation positive de Dieu (“Dieu est lumière”) et une vision “en négatif” (Dieu éblouit): les théologies dites apophatique et cataphatique sont une seule et même théologie. Du côté anthropologique, l’incarnation du Fils, “lumière née de la lumière”, donne un sens nouveau à l’un des mots qui, en grec, désignent l’être humain: le mot phôs. Par une révélation pour ainsi dire “photographique”, l’homme trouve dès lors sa propre identité en Dieu, ainsi que le chemin de sa divinisation»]. FREIRE M., A linguagem trinitária de Gregório Nazianzeno, Estudos Teológicos 54 (2014) 218-229. [This article is a reflection of the Trinity language of Gregory Nazianzen, one of the Cappadocian Fathers. One of the assumption of the Cappadocian is a reflection about the three divine persons, which is considered as the first reality. For them, each person exists singularly, concretely and individually. However, Trinitarism dominates because the peculiarity of each person is always defined in relation to the other persons, starting with the Father, who is the fountain and the origin]. KUHN TH., Schweigen in Versen. Text, Übersetzung und Studien zu den Schweigegedichten Gregors von Nazianz (II,1,34A/B) (Beiträge zur Altertumskunde, 328), Walter De Gruyter, Berlin-Boston 2014, pp. x+125. [Vowort, vii. Einleitung, 1-5. A. Das Gedichtpaar Carm. II,1,34A/B 7: 1. Biographischer Hintergrund und Thema, 9-11; 2. Text, Übersetzung und Anmerkungen, 12-37. B. Untersuchung der Bildersprachen: 1. Methodisch-terminologische Vorüberlegungen, 41-44; 2. Textchronologische Analyse der Bilder, 44-85. 3. Sonderfälle, 85-104. 4. Auswertung und Ausblick, 104-116. Literaturverzeichnis, 117-121. Register, 122-125]. LUGARESI L., Il logos di Basilio: fede, cultura e amicizia nell’Or. 43 di Gregorio Nazianzeno, in Il Logos di Dio e il logos dell’uomo, 225-246. [1. Un logos sui logoi. La prospettiva relazionale nel discorso di Gregorio. 2. Cultura e persona: la formazione di Basilio. 3. Logoi, pothos e philia. Un’amicizia normativa. 4. Vita «logica» di Basilio. Un vescovo-modello in lotta per l’ortodossia. 5. Basilio contro Valente. La forza del logos cristiano contro l’arroganza impotente del potere. 6. Le virtù di Basilio: l’amore ai poveri e l’organizzazione razionale della carità. Il nucleo teologico della sua personalità. 7. Conclusione: imitare Basilio o vivere sotto il suo sguardo? – Abstract: «In his Or. 43 Gregory Nazianzen portrays his friend Basilius as the perfect example of a Christian character: faith in the divine Logos, love for culture (logoi) and involvement in friendship (philia) are seen by the author as the factors that constitute, in a relational perspective, the essence of Basil’s personality. None of them can be isolated, as they are in mutual relation to one another, in the frame of the fundamental dependence of the whole Christian life on the Trinitarian relation. Basil’s virtue has an immediate political relevance, since only the correct understanding of Trinity can make a just government possible, as the hard opposition between the holy bishop Basilius and the “bad emperor” Valens shows. People can look at him and imitate his virtues, because he is, in a certain way, “living law” (nomos empsychos), concrete rule of life for everybody»]. MANOUSSAKIS P., Friendship in Late Antiquity: The Case of Gregory Nazianzen and Basil the Great, in Ancient and Medieval Concepts of Friendship, ed. by S. STERN-GILLET and G. GURTLER, S.J., SUNY Press, Albany/NY 2014, 173195. [1. Introduction: Classical and Christian friendship. 2. A story of friendship in three acts: from agapan to philein: 2.1. First betrayal: friendship between students; 2.2. Second betrayal: friendship and the philosophic life; 2.3. Third betrayal: friendship among theologians. 3. Friendship redeemed: Gregory’s final achievement. Notes. Bibliography]. MUNTEANU D., Theosis und Perichoresis in den Theologien von Gregor von Nazianz und Maximus Confessor, in Für uns und für unser Heil: Soteriologie in Ost und West, 389-405. [Theosis und Perichoresis bei Gregor von Nazianz. Theosis und Perichoresis bei Maximus Confessor. Christologische Perikoresis als Basis der kosmischen Liturgie. Perichoretische Ekklesiologie. Christozentrische λόγος-τρόπος Soteriologie. Eschatologische Soteriologie und Kultur der Differenz – Maximus Confessors Pluralismus der göttlichen Rationalitäten. – «Gregor von Nazianz verwendet als erster den Begriff Theosis und führt zugleich mit dem Begriff περιχωρεῖν das stoische Konzept der gegenseitigen Durchdringung in die theologische Sprache der Christologie ein. Mit dem Verb περιχωρεῖν, das sich bei ihm zum ersten Mal findet lässt, gelingt es Gregor von Nazianz zum Profil der orthodoxen Christologie beizutragen. Maximus Confessor,

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REPERTORIO BIBLIOGRAFICO der von Gregor von Nazianz beeinflusst wurde, schuf seinerseits den Begriff περιχώρησις (gegnseitige Durchdringung und Einwohnung, bzw. wechselseitige Einigung und Durchdringung). Erst bei ihm kommt dem Begriff Perichoresis eine tragende Rolle in der Theologie zu, indem er den Terminus Perichoresis allem Anschein nach zum ersten Mal verwendete. Erst in seiner Theologie wird der Zusammenhang von Theosis und Perichoresis sehr deutlich. Maximus verstand den Prozess der Theosis als Perichoresis, d.h. als Durchdringung von Gott und Mensch» (pp. 389-390)]. NIGRO G.A., Forme di potere e di subordinazione negli scritti di Gregorio di Nissa e Gregorio di Nazianzo ! 21.3. Gregorio di Nissa PALLA R., Tra figlio e padre: Gregorio Nazianzeno e la formazione del giovane cristiano, in Fioretti patristici in ricordo di p. Giacinto Ruggiero OFM nel trentennale della dipartita, a cura di A.V. NAZZARO e suor A. TUCCILLO, Edizioni Digigraf, Sasso Marconi 2015, 417-432. [Lettura di Gregorio Nazianzeno, Nicobulo jr. al padre [carm. II,2,4]. Nicobulo sen. al figlio [carm. II.2.5]. Una discussione in famiglia, Intr., testo critico, traduzione, commento e appendici di M.G. MORONI, Pisa 2006]. PETRAKIS V., Asceticism through the Lens of Anthropology: The Greek Fathers from Justin to Gregory Nazianzen on the Soul and the Holy Spirit, in Orthodox Monasticism Past and Present, 225-239. [«Gregory has a unique understanding of the place of Being as the logoi vested via the Holy Spirit’s indwelling of the human person. The logoi for Gregory are the divine causes implanted in the human condition where we ‘find’ and live God. Gregory takes the Platonic logistikon of the Soul and makes from this a single principled formula, a place where divine activity operates in an immanent capacity, and this because in the human person is placed the seat of the Holy Spirit. The living presence of the Holy Spirit in the human condition is subject to our acknowledgment of His presence within us, which brings to mind John Chryssavgis’ insight: ‘Pride is not the ultimate sin, forgetfulness of who we are is the ultimate tragedy» (pp. 238-239)]. PINO T.A., Continuity in Patristic and Scholastic Thought: Bonaventure and Maximos the Confessor on the Necessary Multiplicity of God ! 36. Massimo il Confessore WOODS D., Gregory of Nazianzus on the Death of Julian the Apostate (Or. 5.13), Mnemosyne 68 (2015) 297-303. 21.3. Gregorio di Nissa Gregory of Nyssa. Contra Eunomium III. An English Translation with Commentary and Supporting Studies. Proceedings of the 12th International Colloquium on Gregory of Nyssa (Leuven, 14-17 September 2010), Edited by J. LEEMANS & M. CASSIN (VigChrS, 124), Brill, Leiden-Boston 2014, pp. xii+786 (= Gregory of Nyssa. Contra Eunomium III). [Preface, viii-ix; List of contributors, x-xii. Part One. General Introduction: M. CASSIN, Contre Eunome III: une introduction, 3-33. Part Two. English Translation: S.G. HALL, Gregory of Nyssa, Against Eunomius Book Three. Introduction to the Translation and Analysis, 37-41; Gregory of Nyssa, Against Eunomius Book Three (Translation), 42-233. Part Three. Commentary: V.H. DRECOLL, Präsentation von Contra Eunomium III 1, 237-263; M. CASSIN, Confusion eunomienne et clarté nysséenne: Contre Eunome III 2, 264-292; A. RADDEGALLWITZ, Contra Eunomium III 3, 293-312; J. ZACHHUBER, Contra Eunomium III 4, 313-334; L. KARFIKOVÁ, Der Geist als Wesen, die Aussagen des Namens und die οὐσία bei Eunomius, Basilius und Gregor von Nyssa: Contra Eunomium III 5 (GNO II, 160-184), 335-368; M.R. BARNES, Contra Eunomium III 6, 369382; J. LEEMANS, Time, Eternity, and the Generation of the Son: Contra Eunomium III 7, 383-400; G. MASPERO, Life from Life: The Procession of the Son and the Divine Attributes in Book VIII of Gregory of Nyssa’s Contra Eunomium, 401-428; E. MÜHLENBERG, Contra Eunomium III 9, 429-441; M. LUDLOW, Contra Eunomium III 10 – Who is Eunomius?, 442-474. Part Four. Supporting Studies: T. ALEXOPOULOS, Die Christologie Gregors von Nyssa in Contra Eunomium III 3-4: Die Beweisführung Gregors zur Einheit der Person Christi und das Problem des Verhältnisses der zwei Naturen zueinander in Ihm. Ist der Verdacht des Monophysitismus bei Gregor berechtigt?, 477-488; X. BATLLO, Une évolution de Grégoire? La distinction κτιστόν/ἄκτιστον du CE I au CE III, 489-499; M. BRUGAROLAS, The Philanthropic Economy of the Holy Spirit. Notes on Contra Eunomium III 6.32, 500-511; A. CAPONE, Challenging the Heretic: The Preface of Gregory of Nyssa’s Contra Eunomium III, 512-527; A. CONWAY-JONES, Uncreated and Created: Proverbs 8 and Contra Eunomium III 1 as the Background to Gregory’s Interpretation of the Tabernacle in Life of Moses II 173-7, 528539; HUI XIA, From Light to Darkness: The Progress of the Spiritual Journey according to Gregory of Nyssa’s De vita Mosis, 540-551; M. LA MATINA, Oneness of Mankind and the Plural of Man in Gregory of Nyssa’s Against Eunomius book III. Some Problems of Philosophy of Language, 552-578; G. MASPERO–M. DEGLI ESPOSTI, D. BENEDETTO, Who Wrote Basil’s Epistula 38? A Possible Answer through Quantitative Analyses, 579-594; C. MORESCHINI, Further Considerations on the Philosophical Background of Contra Eunomium III, 595-612; J. O’LEARY, Incarnational Ontology and Paschal Transformation: Acts 2,36 in Contra Eunomium III 3, 613624; G.D. PANAGOPOULOS, Die stoische Gattung des πρός τί πως ἔχον in CE III 1,131-134 (GNO II 48,1-24),

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ADAMANTIUS 21 (2015) 625-642; I.L.E. RAMELLI, Οἰκείωσις in Gregory’s Theology: Reconstructing His Creative Reception of Stoicism, 643-659; L. SELS, Gregory of Nyssa’s Contra Eunomium and Onomatodoxy in Russian Theology, 660-674; O. SFERLEA, À propos de l’infinité divine dans le débat trinitaire du Contre Eunome III: le noyau de la réfutation est-il philosophique ou bien scripturaire?, 675-685; F. SIEBER, Mehr als schöner Schein – Rhetorische Bildung als konstitutives Element von Theologie am Beispiel der überlieferten Briefe Gregors von Nyssa, 686-703; L. VAN DER SPYT, Are There Messalians Syneisakts in Gregory of Nyssa’s De virginitate 23.4?, 704-717; F. VINEL, Eunome, juif et païen à la fois, à la religion trompeuse, 718-730. Bibliography, 731-758. Index locorum, 759786]. ALEXOPOULOS T., Die Christologie Gregors von Nyssa in Contra Eunomium III 3-4: Die Beweisführung Gregors zur Einheit der Person Christi und das Problem des Verhältnisses der zwei Naturen zueinander in Ihm. Ist der Verdacht des Monophysitismus bei Gregor berechtigt?, in Gregory of Nyssa. Contra Eunomium III, 477-488. [1) Die Aufnahme der menschlichen Natur durch den Logos bedeutet keinesfalls Minderung seiner Transzendenz. 2) Die Veränderung zum Besseren (πρὸς τὸ κρεῖττον ἀλλοίωσις), die Erhöhung (ὕψωσις) und Umgestaltung des Menschlichen ins Höhere und Göttliche (μεταποίησις πρὸς τὸ ὑψηλόν τε καὶ θεῖον). 3) Das Problem des Verhältnisses der zwei Naturen in Christus und der Verdacht des Monophysitismus]. BARNES M.R., Contra Eunomium III 6, in Gregory of Nyssa. Contra Eunomium III, 369-382. BATLLO X., Ontologie scalaire et polémique trinitaire. Le subordinatianisme d’Eunome et la distinction κτιστόν/ἄκτιστον dans le Contre Eunome I de Grégoire de Nysse (JAC.E - Kl. R., 10), Aschendorff Verlag, Münster 2013, pp. 395. [Remerciements, 11. Note préliminaire, 13. Introduction, 15-21. Précisions sur la traduction de quelques mots techniques grecs, 23-26. Première Partie. Circonstances de rédaction: Ch. I. Contexte historique et théologique de la polémique, 27-51; Ch. II. Sur les traces d’une œuvre perdue, 52-89. Deuxième Partie. Nature et sources des fragments 1 et 2: Ch. I. Nature des fragments 1 et 2, 91-126; Ch. 2. Les sources d’Eunome, 127194. Troisième Partie. Place et rôle de la distinction κτιστόν/ἄκτιστον dans le Eun. I, 195: Ch. I. La remise en cause de l’ontologie scalaire d’Eunome, 196-226; Ch. II. κτιστόν/ἄκτιστον: caractéristiques et rôle théologique du système ontologique de Grégoire de Nysse, 227-337. Conclusion, 339-344. Annexe: Tableau comparatif des relevés des citations de l’AA dans le Eun. I, 345-353. Bibliographies, 354-376; Index, 377-395]. –, Une évolution de Grégoire? La distinction κτιστόν/ἄκτιστον du CE I au CE III, in Gregory of Nyssa. Contra Eunomium III, 489-499. BLOWERS P.M., Mystics and Mountains: Comparing Origen’s Exegesis of the Transfiguration and Gregory of Nyssa’s Exposition of the Sinai Theophany ! 12. Origene (4. Studi) BRUGAROLAS M., The Philanthropic Economy of the Holy Spirit. Notes on Contra Eunomium III 6.32, in Gregory of Nyssa. Contra Eunomium III, 500-511. [Contra Eunomium III 6,32. Conclusion]. CAPONE A., Challenging the Heretic: The Preface of Gregory of Nyssa’s Contra Eunomium III, in Gregory of Nyssa. Contra Eunomium III, 512-527. [1. The rules of the fight. 2. A discourse without rhetoric. 3. Image and truth]. CASSIN M., Contre Eunome III: une introduction, in Gregory of Nyssa. Contra Eunomium III, 3-33. [I. Contexte: 1. Datation; 2. Œuvres nisséennes contemporaines; 3. Contexte ecclésial. II. Transmission et réception du texte. III. Structure du Contre Eunome III: 1. Tomes et chapitres; 2. Structure interne: Eunome, Basile, Eunome, Grégoire. IV. Vue d’ensemble sur le livre III: réfutation et élaboration libre: 1. Forme littéraire; 2. Contenu non directement lié à l’Apologie de l’apologie. V. Quelques thèmes du livre III: 1. Exégèse; 2. Philosophie et théologie; 3. Eunome. Conclusion. Annexe 1: Kephalaia du livre 3; Annexe 2: Grégoire, Contre Eunome III; Eunome, Apologie de l’apologie; Basile, Contre Eunome; Eunome, Apologie – «Quelle valeur a le découpage en dix tomes pour comprendre le texte nysséen? L’image que nous donne Grégoire de l’Apologie de l’apologie et de son auteur a-t-elle d’autre fondement que la volonté de les réfuter? Si Grégoire explique longuement un texte biblique, est-ce nécessairement parce qu’Eunome en proposait une interprétation dans l’Apologie de l’apologie?» (p. 29)]. –, Confusion eunomienne et clarté nysséenne: Contre Eunome III 2, in Gregory of Nyssa. Contra Eunomium III, 264292. [I. D’un texte à l’autre: Basile, Eunome et Grégoire. II. Mouvements de l’argumentation nysséenne. Conclusion: Eunome et Grégoire]. CHRISTOV I., Synergetic Aspects in St. Gregory of Nyssa’s Teaching on the Salvation of Man, in Für uns und für unser Heil: Soteriologie in Ost und West, 103-111. [The multiple modes of synergy. The synergy of theognosia. Theognosia of natural contemplation. Synergy of love and mystical theognosia. – «The synergy of Divine grace and the effort of man is a topic of particular

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REPERTORIO BIBLIOGRAFICO importance to the anthropology, soteriology and spiritual theology of St. Gregory of Nyssa. Although it is not systematically developed and the elements of this doctrine are scattered through his writings, it is the background of the Nyssen’s conceptions of human being and the perfection of man in a perpetual spiritual progress. It is due to the synergy of God and Man that the created nature would restore its union with the Creator and thus be saved» (p. 103)]. CONWAY-JONES A., Gregory of Nyssa’s Tabernacle Imagery in its Jewish and Christian Contexts (Oxford Early Christian Studies), Oxford UP, Oxford 2014, pp. xi+302. –, Uncreated and Created: Proverbs 8 and Contra Eunomium III 1 as the Background to Gregory’s Interpretation of the Tabernacle in Life of Moses II 173-7, in Gregory of Nyssa. Contra Eunomium III, 528-539. [Introduction. Proverbs 8 in Contra Eunomium III 1. Wisdom and the Tabernacle. Conclusions]. DRECOLL V.H., Präsentation von Contra Eunomium III 1, in Gregory of Nyssa. Contra Eunomium III, 237-263. [1. Eigenart und erste Gliederung von CE III 1. 2. Das Proömium. 3. Die Struktur der Widerlegung. 4. Theologische Inhalte]. GAYTÁN LUNA J.A., Fin del mundo y destino final del hombre. La exégesis escatólogica de 1 Ad Corinthios 7,31, y 15,50 en la literatura cristiana antigua ! 1. Miscellanee e studi di carattere generale HUI XIA, From Light to Darkness: The Progress of the Spiritual Journey according to Gregory of Nyssa’s De vita Mosis, in Gregory of Nyssa. Contra Eunomium III, 540-551. [Introduction. The preliminary stage. The mystical stage of Moses’ journey. Conclusion]. KARFIKOVÁ L., Der Geist als Wesen, die Aussagen des Namens und die οὐσία bei Eunomius, Basilius und Gregor von Nyssa: Contra Eunomium III 5 (GNO II, 160-184), in Gregory of Nyssa. Contra Eunomium III, 335-368. [1. Der umstrittene Vers 2 Kor 3,17 (CE III,5,1-7). 2. Die Bibelinterpretation Gregors anhand von 2 Kor 3,718 (CE III 5,8-19). 3. Der Geist als Hypostase und der Geist als Wesen (CE III 5,12-18). 4. Gezeugt/ungezeugt versus geschaffen/ungeschaffen (CE III 5,26-38). 5. Basilius’ Beispiel der Eigennamen (CE III 5,19-25). 6. Die Doppelaussage der göttlichen Namen (CE III 5,50-60). 7. Was ist die "-./)? (CE III 5,39-49; 61-64). Schluss. Appendix: Die Gliederung von CE III 5]. LA MATINA M., Oneness of Mankind and the Plural of Man in Gregory of Nyssa’s Against Eunomius book III. Some Problems of Philosophy of Language, in Gregory of Nyssa. Contra Eunomium III, 552-578. [Preliminary considerations. The κοιναὶ ἔννοιαι of poets and philosophers. 2. The κοιναὶ ἔννοιαι and Gregory’s pensiveness. 3. The emergence of the human condition from the sand of Qoheleth. 4. From substance to economy: echoes of a polemic about Acts 2:36. 5. Conclusory remarks]. LEEMANS J., Time, Eternity, and the Generation of the Son: Contra Eunomium III 7, in Gregory of Nyssa. Contra Eunomium III, 383-400. [1. Introduction. 2. Eunomius’ fine words about the supremacy of God (1-7a). 3. The absurd notion that God controls his own power (7b-14). 4. Eunomius’ evasion about why the Son’s generation was deferred (15-24a). 5. Eunomius’ argument that generation ends as well as begins (24b-38a). 6. Temporal expressions are meaningless when time is not yet created (38b-43). 7. Eunomius’ charge that Gregory makes the son ‘unbegotten’ (44-53). 8. The error of supposing that all that the Son is once did not exist (54-64). 9. General conclusions]. LUDLOW M., Contra Eunomium III 10 – Who is Eunomius?, in Gregory of Nyssa. Contra Eunomium III, 442-474. [I. Summary of the arguments of Book 10: 1. The Father is «not only the Father of the Only-begotten, but... his God»; 2. «As much as the Begotten is separate from the Unbegotten, so is the Light distinguished from the Light”. II. Ethos and pathos: 1. Eunomius and the demonic; 2. Logic and rhetoric; 3. Eunomius’ literary style in CE III.10 and related passages. Conclusion]. MASPERO G., Life from Life: The Procession of the Son and the Divine Attributes in Book VIII of Gregory of Nyssa’s Contra Eunomium, in Gregory of Nyssa. Contra Eunomium III, 401-428. [Introduction. Content. The role of chapter VIII in CE III. Attributes and relation. Life from life: generation. Conclusion: a new ontology]. –, L’uomo e la Trinità: logos e schesis nelle analogie psicologiche greche ! 1. Miscellanee e studi di carattere generale MASPERO G.– DEGLI ESPOSTI M., BENEDETTO D., Who Wrote Basil’s Epistula 38? A Possible Answer through Quantitative Analyses, in Gregory of Nyssa. Contra Eunomium III, 579-594. [1. Introduction: the problem. 2. Corpus. 3. Methods. 4. Some examples. 5. Results. 6. Commentary. 7. Ep. 38 and other letters. 8. Conclusion. Appendix]. MORESCHINI C., Further Considerations on the Philosophical Background of Contra Eunomium III, in Gregory of Nyssa. Contra Eunomium III, 595-612. [1. About Gregory’s theology. 2. Gregory and paganism].

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ADAMANTIUS 21 (2015) MÜHLENBERG E., Contra Eunomium III 9, in Gregory of Nyssa. Contra Eunomium III, 429-441. [1. Des Eunomius Ausführungen. 2. Widerlegungsformen Gregors. 3. Gregors theologische Ausführungen: a) Gregors Exegese von Matthäus 19,17; b) Auslegung von Exodus 3,14; c) Das Wesen des Christseins]. NICOLA A., ¿Presencia de Ireneo en el Comentario al Cantar de Gregorio de Nisa?, Veritas (Valparaíso-Chile) 31 (2014) 205-219. [El presente artículo trata de mostrar la presencia del pensamiento de Ireneo de Lyon en el sustrato del pensamiento de Gregorio de Nisa en una de sus obras cumbres: el Comentario al Cantar de los Cantares. Esta obra refleja la confluencia de una profunda reflexión a partir del texto bíblico y la filosofía de la época. El niseno se ubica en la tradición de los autores eclesiásticos que han comentado este bello poema de amor veterotestamentario. Si bien es cierto que en la edición crítica de la obra no aparece nunca citado el lugdunense se pueden encontrar ciertos núcleos conceptuales y temáticos que ayudan a descubrir una recepción de Ireneo en el Comentario al Cantar de Gregorio. Esos elementos permiten poner de relevancia la relación existente entre estos dos autores patrísticos que se conectan para mostrar la realidad esponsal de la iglesia que posee un dinamismo pneumático-salvífico abierto a toda la humanidad]. NIGRO G.A., Forme di potere e di subordinazione negli scritti di Gregorio di Nissa e Gregorio di Nazianzo, Classica & Christiana 10 (2015) 263-290. [Gregorio di Nissa: i trattati e le omelie. La regalità del Figlio e dello Spirito santo e la sottomissione del Figlio al Padre (1 Cor 15, 28) nei trattati dogmatici. L’epistolario. Gregorio di Nazianzo: i discorsi. Le epistole. Conclusioni. – Abstract: «This essay deals with the relationships between the ideas of power and subordination in the writings of Gregory of Nyssa and Gregory of Nazianzus. Gregory of Nyssa condemns every evil use of power as stemming from Satan and involving pride, dehumanisation, oppression of the weaker people – in opposition to the real, redeeming kingship of the Lord. His christological thought firmly rejects Anomoean subordination of the Son in regard to the Father. Gregory of Nazianzus’ attitude toward power is quite complex and faceted: he recommends obedience to the authorities (Speech 17 and 19); on the other hand, he advises tax men, judges and governors on fairer administration, by remembering them their duties to the subjects and glancing at Christ as a right and merciful Judge in the Last Say. His letteres reveal a daily reality somehow different: he has good relations with civil and military chiefs, asking for tax exemption to monks and priests, urging ruling in favour of his friends, thus exercising de facto a patronage on behalf of the Church»]. O’LEARY J., Incarnational Ontology and Paschal Transformation: Acts 2,36 in Contra Eunomium III 3, in Gregory of Nyssa. Contra Eunomium III, 613-624. [Arius and Athanasius. Eunomius and Basil. Gregory on Acts 2,36. Conclusion]. PANAGOPOULOS G.D., Die stoische Gattung des πρός τί πως ἔχον in CE III 1,131-134 (GNO II 48,1-24), in Gregory of Nyssa. Contra Eunomium III, 625-642. [Einführende Bemerkung. Die schulphilosophische Tradition hinsichtlich der Relation-Gattung und deren gregorianische Rezeption]. RADDE-GALLWITZ A., Contra Eunomium III 3, in Gregory of Nyssa. Contra Eunomium III, 293-312. [1. Eunomius’ charges against Basil. 2. Acts 2,36 in anti-Eunomian tradition: dual-focus exegesis and the resurrection. 3. Christology and soteriology: In illud: Tunc et ipse Filius, Antirrheticus adversus Apollinarium and Ad Theophilum adversus Apollinaristas. 4. Gregory’s christology in CE III 3. 4. Conclusions]. RAMELLI I.L.E., Il logos umano in Origene e Gregorio di Nissa: il dibattito con il neoplatonismo «pagano» ! 12. Origene –, Οἰκείωσις in Gregory’s Theology: Reconstructing His Creative Reception of Stoicism, in Gregory of Nyssa. Contra Eunomium III, 643-659. [Methodological guidelines and state of the art. The Stoic οἰκείωσις theory in the imperial age and early Christian thinkers. CE III and a difference from Stoic οἰκείωσις. Theology of the image and οἰκείωσις. Recovering the πρῶτον οἰκεῖον: Apokatastasis. Its anticipation by ascetics. Evil and God’s infinitude. Οἰκείωσις as the principle of the resurrection. Apokatastasis as God’s οἰκείωσις and Christ’s role in οἰκείωσις between humans and God. Anthropological and social consequences of οἰκείωσις. The argument from the «theology of the image» and freedom. The theological argument from anti-subordinationism in CE III. Οἰκείωσις within the Trinity and humanity. Women’s and men’s equality. Christianisation of οἰκείωσις: Gregory’s indebtness and originality]. SELS L., Gregory of Nyssa’s Contra Eunomium and Onomatodoxy in Russian Theology, in Gregory of Nyssa. Contra Eunomium III, 660-674. SFERLEA O., À propos de l’infinité divine dans le débat trinitaire du Contre Eunome III: le noyau de la réfutation est-il philosophique ou bien scripturaire?, in Gregory of Nyssa. Contra Eunomium III, 675-685.

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REPERTORIO BIBLIOGRAFICO [I. Le concept de Dieu infini et la solution au défi anti-trinitaire posé par Eunome. II. La preuve par les Écritures et l’infinité divine dans le CE III. III. Un argument philosophique du CE I sans preuve scripturaire. Conclusion]. SIEBER F., Mehr als schöner Schein – Rhetorische Bildung als konstitutives Element von Theologie am Beispiel der überlieferten Briefe Gregors von Nyssa, in Gregory of Nyssa. Contra Eunomium III, 686-703. [Einleitung. 1. Der Kontext: Gregor als Rhetor. 2. Die Briefe. 3. Fazit]. SOLANO O., Aporte del «De vita Moysis» de Gregorio de Nisa a la inculturación de la teología hoy, Franciscanum (Bogotá-Colombia) LVII/163 (2015) 325-360. [El presente escrito busca contribuir a la elaboración de un marco conceptual que favorezca la inculturación de la teología hoy, a partir del trabajo de inculturación de la teología realizado por Gregorio de Nisa en su obra De Vita Moysis; para ello, además de una breve aclaración conceptual, se realiza un ejercicio de interpretación sin ninguna pretensión totalizante, sino como un aporte que promueva la inculturación de la teología hoy]. –, La paideia como estructura fundamental del quehacer teológico en Gregorio de Nisa, Veritas (Valparaíso-Chile) 32 (2015) 229-244. [El presente artículo busca dar razón de la categoría paideia como estructura fundamental del quehacer teológico de Gregorio de Nisa. En función de este propósito se hace un acercamiento a la noción de paideia propia de los griegos y, posteriormente se señala la manera como el Niseno apropió dicha categoría configurando la paideia cristiana, apelando a ejemplos de su obra De Vita Moysis]. VAN DER SPYT L., Are There Messalians Syneisakts in Gregory of Nyssa’s De virginitate 23.4?, in Gregory of Nyssa. Contra Eunomium III, 704-717. [I. A short history of syneisaktism. II. The context of Gregory of Nyssa’s De virginitate 23,4. III. The syneisakts in Gregory of Nyssa’s treatise]. VINEL F., Eunome, juif et païen à la fois, à la religion trompeuse, in Gregory of Nyssa. Contra Eunomium III, 718-730. [I. Eunome, juif idolâtre et païen athée. II. De la discussion dogmatique au point de vue religieux. Conclusion: Eunome, sans religion et menteur]. ZACHHUBER J., Contra Eunomium III 4, in Gregory of Nyssa. Contra Eunomium III, 313-334. 22. Ambrogio di Milano GAYTÁN LUNA J.A., Fin del mundo y destino final del hombre. La exégesis escatólogica de 1 Ad Corinthios 7,31, y 15,50 en la literatura cristiana antigua ! 1. Miscellanee e studi di carattere generale HUNTER D.G., The Virgin, the Bride, and the Church: Reading Psalm 45 in Ambrose, Jerome, and Augustine, in The Harp of the Prophecy. Early Christian Interpretation of the Psalms, 149-174. [Ambrose: the consecrated virgin as bride of Christ. Jerome: the celibate woman as bride of Christ. Augustine: the Church as the bride of Christ. – «All of the authors we have considered used the figure of the virgin bride to express both their ideal Christian community and their own authoritative role within that community. Their intensive resort to the language of paradox indicates, perhaps, the risks and ambiguities inherent in negotiating a course for the church in the post-Constantinian establishment. The rhetoric of virginal purity became all the more prevalent at a time when the actual identity of the church was most susceptible to compromise. Not surprisingly, it was Augustine, with his thorough-going sense of human sinfulness, who most strongly resisted the tendency to assimilate the Christian ascetic to the virgin bride. Believing that the purity of the church was only an eschatological prospect, Augustine insisted on maintaining a distinction between the ideal of a virginal church and the present ecclesial reality» (p. 169)]. NAUROY G., Du héros juif au saint chrétien: l’appropriation du martyre des frères Maccabées par Ambroise de Milan, in La mémoire des persécutions. Autour des livres des Maccabées, 347-370. [Les frères Maccabées, du judaïsme au christianisme. L’adaptation du quatrième livre des Maccabées par Ambroise: une exégèse actualisante. La soif de David: de la philosophia au Verbe divin. Conversion de la geste des Sept: deux lectures de leur martyre. Appropriation et altération. – «On voit à quel point la relecture d’Ambroise a modifié l’esprit, la perspective, l’objet même du texte source, malgré maintes correspondances littérales dont la liste fait illusion. Le thème de la fidélité à la Loi, qui est aussi refus de l’assimilation voulue par le tyran séleucide, thème dominant du quatrième livre des Maccabées, est renvoyé au second plan par son interprète latin. Sans violenter l’histoire dans ses données factuelles, celui-ci choisit de faire des martyrs juifs les précurseurs, et même les fondateurs et les modèles de la lignée des confesseurs chrétiens» (p. 368)]. PRINZIVALLI E., Il Cod. Mon. Gr. 314, il traduttore ritrovato e l’imitatore ! 12. Origene (4. Studi) 23. Didimo il Cieco

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ADAMANTIUS 21 (2015) GAYTÁN LUNA J.A., Fin del mundo y destino final del hombre. La exégesis escatólogica de 1 Ad Corinthios 7,31, y 15,50 en la literatura cristiana antigua ! 1. Miscellanee e studi di carattere generale ROGERS J.M., The Philonic and the Pauline: Hagar and Sarah in the Exegesis of Didymus the Blind, The Studia Philonica Annual 26 (2014) 57-77. [Hagar and Sarah: the literal interpretation: Philo; Didymus. Hagar and Sarah: the allegorical interpretation: Penelope and her handmaids; Philo; Didymus. Conclusion. – «Didymus the Blind mentions Philo more than any other non-biblical source. Philo’s expositions, being allegorical in nature, must have seemed more Christian than Jewish to a fourth-century Alexandrian author, and his presentation of the Mosaic legislation as a philosophy appealed to the desire to elevate the intellectual status of the Christian faith. (...) Philo could be cited by name with no hint of scandal. This detail alone is telling. Beyond that, we can see that Philo’s allegorical interpretation of Hagar and Sarah had become so central for Didymus that even Paul required a reassessment in light of the Philonic material» (p. 77)]. 24. Evagrio DYSINGER L., Evagrius Ponticus: The Psalter as a Handbook for the Christian Contemplative, in The Harp of the Prophecy. Early Christian Interpretation of the Psalms, 97-125. [The Gnôstikos and the Psalter. The literal sense of the Psalms. Ascetical wisdom in the Psalter. The cosmos in the Psalter. Christ in the Psalter. The blessed Trinity in the Psalter. Conclusion: reading the book of God. – «As a biblical exegete, Evagrius’ gnôstikos would discover in the book of Psalms symbols and allegories of the great cosmic drama of the Fall, the Incarnation, and the eschatological reunion of all reasoning beings with God. As spiritual guide the gnôstikos could, then, as it were, look up from the Bible to perceive the movements and experiences of each disciple and pilgrim as part of the “Book of God”, a miniature iteration and reflection of the universal cosmic journey toward reunion. Thus the drama of each soul’s inner struggle would be illuminated by the sweeping movements and symbolic imagery of biblical salvation history» (p. 117)]. GATHER J., The Recitation of the Psalms among Early Christian Ascetics generale

! 1. Miscellanee e studi di carattere

GRILLO J.L., Psychic Crisis in Monastic Communities: The Ascetical Writings of Evagrius of Pontus in the Light of Modern Understandings, in Orthodox Monasticism Past and Present, 523-533. MISIARCZYK L., The Relationship between nous, pneuma and logistikon in Evagrius Ponticus’ Anthropology, in Studia Patristica LXVIII: From the Fifth Century Onwards (Greek Writers), 149-154. [Abstract: «This essay seeks to see if Evagrius in his anthropology identified the rational part of the soul, the so-called logistikon, with the nous. Since there is a lot of confusion among scholars, as one can see, for example in A. Guillaumont and P. Géhin who give different explanations, so it seems to be useful to gain more precision on this point of Evagrius’ doctrine»]. RAMELLI I.L.E., Evagrius Ponticus, the Origenian Ascetic (and not the Origenistic ‘Heretic’), in Orthodox Monasticism Past and Present, 159-224. [«Evagrius’ protological and eschatological ideas are strikingly close to those of Origen (I mean his authentic ideas and not the misrepresentations that are such a prevalent heritage among commentators of the Origenistic controversy) and to St. Gregory Nyssen. Such parallels extend also to many other aspects of their thought. Indeed Evagrius absorbed Origen’s and the Cappadocian’s theology, as well as that of Didymus, whom he may have frequented personally. What is more, as I have indicated, Evagrius’ closeness to Gregory of Nyssa and his ideas is more substantial than has been generally assumed» (p. 223)]. TONDELLO G., Babai il grande e il santo Evagrio, Adamantius 20 (2014) 389-395. [Status quaestionis. Ambito di ricerca. Prima considerazione: un commento duplice. Due prospettive. Due destinatari. Due momenti. Seconda considerazione: avversari locali. Gli avversari. Gli strumenti esegetici. Conclusione. – «Possiamo dunque concludere evidenziando come l’attività del primo commentatore siriaco dell’opera evagriana sia complessa e articolata. In primo luogo, essa si esprime, infatti, in due commentari che diversi elementi delle loro prefazioni ci portano a immaginare ben distinti l’uno dall’altro non solo per lunghezza ma anche per obiettivi, destinatari, contesti redazionali. Il solo Commento giunto fino a noi non sarebbe cioè una semplice sintesi del precedente, ma uno sviluppo affatto originale dell’opera esegetica dello stesso commentatore. In secondo luogo, è lucida risposta di un uomo giunto ai vertici delle strutture monastiche ed gerarchiche della sua Chiesa a problematiche ed esigenze del suo tempo, per quanto espressioni particolari di controversie e riflessioni teologiche ben più ampie e antiche. Infine, si tratta di un’opera di commento che è insieme puntuale esegesi dei singoli capitoli evagriani e chiarificazione preventiva delle disposizioni morali, ma soprattutto delle esigenze metodologiche e dei caratteri stilistici del criptico testo spirituale. Un ultimo elemento sarebbe necessario aggiungere a quanto emerso finora: per valutare l’influenza del Babai commentatore di Evagrio non è sufficiente verificare quanto della sua riflessione

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REPERTORIO BIBLIOGRAFICO giunga ai posteri nel loro confrontarsi con il Pontico, ma anche quanto del pensiero del Pontico arrivi loro dalla lettura delle speculazioni di Babai non direttamente collegate ai Capitoli gnostici»]. 25. Rufino di Aquileia L’Oriente in Occidente. L’opera di Rufino di Concordia. Atti del XIII Convegno Internazionale di Studi promosso dalla Facoltà Teologica del Triveneto e dal Gruppo Italiano di Ricerca su Origene e la Tradizione Alessandrina (Portogruaro, 6-7 dicembre 2013), con Omaggio a Maria Ignazia Danieli per il suo 75° genetliaco, a cura di M. GIROLAMI (Supplementi Adamantius, 4), Morcelliana, Brescia 2014, pp. 272 (= L’Oriente in Occidente. L’opera di Rufino di Concordia). [E. PRINZIVALLI, Prefazione, 5-9. M. GIROLAMI, Rufino e la mediazione culturale tra Oriente e Occidente, 1125. S. FERNÁNDEZ, Gli interventi dottrinali di Rufino nel De principiis di Origene, 27-44. F. COCCHINI, Il Commento alla Lettera ai Romani di Origene. Traduzione e interventi di Rufino, 45-58. A. GRAPPONE, Omelie tradotte e/o tradite?, 59-115. S. LO IACONO, Le traduzioni monastiche di Rufino e il suo modello di monachesimo, 117-137. C. LO CICERO, Rufino e i Cappadoci, 139-161. F. THELAMON, Rufin: l’Histoire ecclésiastique et ses lecteurs occidentaux, 163-178. S.A. ROBBE, Finalità e tecniche della traduzione della Historia Ecclesiastica. Alcuni esempi, 179-200. R. SOMOS, The place of philosophia moralis in Rufinus’ translation project, 201-212. M. VERONESE, Pro verbis virtus. La disputa tra un filosofo e un confessore nella Historia Ecclesiastica di Rufino, 213-228. M. SIMONETTI, Omaggio a Maria Ignazia Danieli, 229-233. M.I. DANIELI, Ringraziamenti, 235. Sussidi: Sigle, Autori, Indici: Sigle, 239-240; Autori, 241; Indice dei luoghi scritturistici, 243-245; Indice dei luoghi origeniani, 247-249; Indice dei luoghi rufiniani, 251-254; Indice degli autori e delle opere antiche e medievali, 255-262; Indice degli autori e dei personaggi antichi, 263-265; Indice degli autori moderni, 267-270]. COCCHINI F., Il Commento alla Lettera ai Romani di Origene. Traduzione e interventi di Rufino, in L’Oriente in Occidente. L’opera di Rufino di Concordia, 45-58. [«(...) Per quanto concerne il libro XI, ritengo più probabile che il rinvio ai Principi invece che a Rufino debba essere restituito a Origene, il quale si sarebbe rifatto alla propria opera senza però risparmiarsi la fatica di rielaborarne le argomentazioni secondo una diversa prospettiva, quella dell’intera lettera di Paolo che stava commentando: oltre alle differenze riscontrabili tra quanto esposto nei Principi e quanto è proposto nel Commento ai Romani, mi convince soprattutto ad attribuire allo stesso Origene il rinvio alla sua precedente opera e la rielaborazione di ciò che lì aveva già argomentato il fatto che, altrimenti – se cioè fosse stato Rufino a riportare nel Commentario il testo tratto dai Principi –, non si comprende come mai non lo abbia riportato letteralmente, seguendo lo stesso criterio adottato quando, dovendo tradurre per i Principi alcuni passi già da lui tradotti per la versione dell’Apologia di Panfilo, invece di tradurli nuovamente, li aveva copiati dalla precedente opera» (pp. 48-49)]. FERNÁNDEZ S., Gli interventi dottrinali di Rufino nel De principiis di Origene, in L’Oriente in Occidente. L’opera di Rufino di Concordia, 27-44. [1. Introduzione. 2. Confronto della traduzione di Rufino con gli altri testimoni del Peri Archôn. 3. Bilancio dottrinale. – «... Il vicendevole controllo tra Rufino e Girolamo, e la complementarietà dei loro programmi teologici e sguardi dottrinali, ci spinge a pensare che non ci siano aspetti dottrinali rilevanti del Peri Archôn che non siano stati trasmessi da questi due avversari teologici. Insomma, da una parte è chiaro che la versione di Rufino ha bisogno di essere controllata, completata e corretta dal materiale apportato da Girolamo e Giustiniano. D’altra parte, però, il solo esercizio d’immaginare una ricostruzione del Peri Archôn soltanto a partire dalle notizie di Girolamo e Giustiniano, cioè prescindendo dalla versione rufiniana del trattato, ci mostra la magnitudine del servizio che Rufino abbia fatto, non soltanto alla tradizione alessandrina, ma, più in generale, alla tradizione cristiana» (p. 44)]. GIROLAMI M., Rufino e la mediazione culturale tra Oriente e Occidente, in L’Oriente in Occidente. L’opera di Rufino di Concordia, 11-25. [1. Rufino a fuoco. 2. La lingua greca in dialogo con la lingua latina. 3. L’Oriente in dialogo con l’Occidente. 4. L’ascesi cristiana in dialogo con la vita. 5. La professione di fede, la regula fidei e il simbolo di Nicea. 6. Il senso della tradizione in dialogo con il senso della storia. 7. Origene e Rufino in dialogo con la Sacra Scrittura. 8. Conclusione – «Ricollocando in maniera storicamente più corretta la figura e l’opera di Rufino, potremo comprendere con maggiore serenità non solo Origene, ma anche quel processo di trasmissione e di transculturazione che ha fatto conoscere, sia pure in maniera mediata, il grande dottore di Alessandria, fonte ricca per ogni generazione di riflessione teologica» (p. 25)]. GRAPPONE A., Omelie tradotte e/o tradite?, in L’Oriente in Occidente. L’opera di Rufino di Concordia, 59-115. [1. Principali risultati della precedente ricerca. 2. Rufino erede della tecnica di Girolamo. 3. Quattro omelie sul Salmo 36 nella traduzione di Rufino. 4. Conclusioni. – «Omelie tradotte e/o tradite? Non intendo sfuggire alla

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ADAMANTIUS 21 (2015) domanda. Certamente nel caso delle quattro omelie sui Salmi bisogna riconoscere che non si tratta di testi traditi. Il pensiero complessivo e la forma generale rimangono quelli di Origene. Come valutare allora i numerosissimi interventi di Rufino? Evidentemente il nostro non è un traduttore “fedele” in senso moderno, d’altronde applicargli un tale termine di confronto sarebbe un procedimento anacronistico e insensato. Rufino pensa e realizza le sue traduzioni a beneficio dei suoi interlocutori, che non sono intellettuali desiderosi di ampliare il loro bagaglio culturale, ma sono suoi discepoli. Rufino potrebbe essere definito piuttosto un “utilizzatore fedele”» (p. 113)]. LO CICERO C., Rufino e i Cappadoci, in L’Oriente in Occidente. L’opera di Rufino di Concordia, 139-161. [1. Dalla scintilla l’incendio e la tematica della regalità. 2. Angeli come spettatori nel teatro del mondo. 3. Il mare della vita. 4. La Scrittura, il discorso semplice e le versutiae sermonum. 5. Conclusione. – «Se Rufino ha svolto un ruolo importante di mediazione culturale tra Oriente e Occidente è perché – l’ho dimostrato nel mio studio Tradurre i Greci nel IV secolo – la sua non è una mera traduzione, ma è il risultato del dialogo ch’egli intrattiene col modello e del rapporto di emulazione che instaura con esso, conformemente a una prassi propria della letteratura latina. Il lavoro su Gregorio, di cui qui offro un primo saggio, mi conferma nelle conclusioni a cui ero allora pervenuta. In particolare l’angolo visuale qui adottato, il confronto di traduzioni di passi in cui i modelli affrontano analoghe tematiche, ha consentito di approfondire lo studio dell’usus scribendi di Rufino (punto 3 e 4, mare della vita e vera e falsa sapienza), di comprenderne meglio gli intenti, quando i suoi scarti dai due modelli sono orientati in senso analogo (valutazione negativa della retorica), di verificare quanto sia profonda la consapevolezza che egli ha del fatto letterario, come si evince dall’uso di analoga terminologia latina specifica di un topos, sia pure in corrispondenza con quella analoga del greco (punto 3, mare della vita), di vedere in Rufino un lettore attivo e un traduttore che nei confronti della sua materia si pone con atteggiamento autoriale per le modifiche a cui sottopone il testo nel senso di un’accentuazione del moralismo (punto 2, lotta contro i vizi e punto 4, retorica vista negativamente), del pathos e della rappresentazione visiva (il punto 3, il mare della vita). Ma la novità e il risultato più interessante dell’approccio adottato è l’avere messo in luce l’interazione che viene a stabilirsi tra i testi dei due Cappadoci, le rispettive traduzioni e gli auctores classici e cristiani che Rufino riecheggia» (p. 159)]. LO IACONO S., Le traduzioni monastiche di Rufino e il suo modello di monachesimo, in L’Oriente in Occidente. L’opera di Rufino di Concordia, 117-137. [1. La cornice della carità. 2. I Padri spirituali del deserto monastico e Basilio. 3. Conclusioni. – «... Rufino scelse il monachesimo di area cappadoce, passando quasi sotto completo silenzio il sistema pacomiano, al quale si dedicava invece negli stessi anni l’ex amico di Rufino Girolamo. Insieme all’Asketikon anche l’Historia monachorum in Aegypto, sia nel testo greco che in quello latino, fa propendere per una genesi già interna al mondo monastico, e personalmente scarterei l’ipotesi pure avanzata che la vuole uno scritto occasionale approntato per soddisfare alla curiosità del turismo ascetico di fine IV secolo. I quadri monastici e gli insegnamenti spirituali che vi leggiamo inducono infatti ad ipotizzare una sorta di nuova presentazione dei carismi dioratici dell’Antonio di Atanasio, declinati nella Storia dei monaci in Egitto in una realtà plurima di contesti e personaggi differenti. Le traduzioni di Rufino rappresenterebbero così uno dei primi tentativi effettuati in Occidente di giungere ad una sintesi culturale e spirituale paradigmatica tra le due istanze, l’anacoretica e la comunitaria» (p. 136)]. PRINZIVALLI E., Il Cod. Mon. Gr. 314, il traduttore ritrovato e l’imitatore ! 12. Origene (4. Studi) ROBBE S.A., Finalità e tecniche della traduzione della Historia Ecclesiastica. Alcuni esempi, in L’Oriente in Occidente. L’opera di Rufino di Concordia, 179-200. [1. La traduzione latina della Storia ecclesiastica. 2. Una traduzione letteraria. 3. Un’opera agiografica spesso originale. 4. Limiti della traduzione rufiniana e questioni che meritano di essere approfondite. 5. Una figura da rivalutare. – «Alla luce del mio studio, pare tutto sommato giusto spezzare una lancia in favore di Rufino traduttore di HE contro i giudizi eccessivamente critici espressi nel passato nei suoi riguardi. La libertà con cui egli ha reso il modello, sintetizzandolo, ampliandolo, reinterpretandolo e riscrivendolo in forma più godibile, gli è concessa dalla tradizione del vertere latino, con la quale si integrano la conoscenza e le competenze da lui acquisite nel corso della vita attraverso i viaggi e le letture. Il modo in cui reinterpreta, e talora stravolge, il modello per presentare ai lettori fatti e personaggi esemplari, si giustifica in parte con i meccanismi propri del genere storiografico e agiografico, e in parte con il gusto moraleggiante e la missione educativa che il monacotraduttore assume nei confronti dei lettori e condivide con il committente. Gli studiosi del passato spesso non hanno compreso le ragioni di Rufino, né hanno riconosciuto la portata del lavoro da lui compiuto: entrambi, l’uomo e la sua opera, meritano di essere rivalutati e riabilitati agli occhi dei moderni» (pp. 199-200)]. SOMOS R., The place of philosophia moralis in Rufinus’ translation project, in L’Oriente in Occidente. L’opera di Rufino di Concordia, 201-212.

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REPERTORIO BIBLIOGRAFICO [1. Rufinus’ return to the West. 2. Practical translation project. 3. Origenian background and division of philosophy. 4. Characteristics of the sentence. 5. Sentence, simplicity, effectiveness, and the inspired Scriptures. 6. Differences between practice and moral instruction. – «The group of Rufinus’ spiritual translations consists of three pieces. The addressees were Apronianus and Avita. According to the chronology given by Caroline P. Hammond, the order of these three translations is as follows: Homilies of Basil (399), Sentences of Sextus (400), Origen on Psalms 36-38 (401). The basis of this order is the shift in the terms Rufinus uses in connection to Avita. My thesis is that the order of these translations, as well as the educational and spiritual program included in these Rufinian pieces, is connected to a certain practical Origenism. In the full sense of the word, Origenism refers to some theoretical, dogmatic doctrines, that is, to the doctrine of the pre-existence of the soul, to the hierarchy of divine persons, and to the theory of apokatastasis, mainly in the version of Evagrian transformation. In the present context, however, under “practical Origenism” I mean the practical side of the same thing that does not give rise to theoretical troubles. As in the field of theory Origen is attached to the Platonic ideas of his time, so too, in the field of practice – according to Pierre Hadot’s theory – does Origenian tradition show characteristics of spiritual exercises registered first in the writings of such Greek philosophers as Epictetus and Marcus Aurelius» (pp. 202-203)]. THELAMON F., Rufin: l’Histoire ecclésiastique et ses lecteurs occidentaux, in L’Oriente in Occidente. L’opera di Rufino di Concordia, 163-178. [1. Pourquoi, pour qui traduire et écrire l’histoire de l’Église? 2. Des lecteurs identifiés de l’Histoire ecclésiastique latine d’Eusèbe-Rufin. 3. Les choix de Rufin: ce que les lecteurs occidentaux apprennent de l’histoire de l’Église en Orient grâce à Rufin. – «Destinée d’abord à la communauté chrétienne d’Aquilée, l’Histoire ecclésiastique latine d’Eusèbe-Rufin a eu très tôt des lecteurs en Occident et non des moindres puisque le plus éminent est Augustin. Sa diffusion dans tout l’Occident au Moyen Âge en a fait la base des connaissances de l’histoire de l’Église des premiers siècles. Les deux livres ajoutés par Rufin ont transmis à l’Occident des dossiers sur des événements qui ont eu lieu en Orient et qu’il est le seul à connaître. Rufin a eu des lecteurs au fil des siècles et jusqu’à nos jours; la consultation de bien des ouvrages nous montrent que pour la conversion de la Géorgie et les origines du christianisme à Axoum, c’est toujours le récit de Rufin qui constitue le socle des connaissances fondamentales, même si l’accès aux sources locales permet de les enrichir, en faisant la part d’ailleurs à un foisonnement de légendes. À ses lecteurs Rufin a apporté une histoire de l’Église conçue selon la déontologie qui était la sienne, alimentée par sa foi. Il peut paraître simpliste de rappeler une fois encore qu’une histoire de l’Église au sens d’Eusèbe et de Rufin n’est pas une histoire profane à simple valeur documentaire, mais qu’il s’agit bel et bien de l’histoire du salut en cours de réalisation dans le temps de l’histoire des hommes» (p. 178)]. VERONESE M., Pro verbis virtus. La disputa tra un filosofo e un confessore nella Historia Ecclesiastica di Rufino, in L’Oriente in Occidente. L’opera di Rufino di Concordia, 213-228. [1. Il contesto. 2. La disputa tra un filosofo e un confessore in Rufino. 3. Verba e virtus in Rufino. 4. La disputa nelle altre Storie. – «… Bisogna riconoscere a Rufino non solo l’originalità della sua opera storica, ma anche il ruolo di primo continuatore della Historia ecclesiastica di Eusebio di Cesarea. In effetti, a tale conclusione potrebbe condurci anche l’analisi dell’episodio della disputa di un anziano confessore e di un filosofo. In primo luogo è evidente dalle testimonianze pervenuteci che i tre resoconti più antichi di Rufino, di Socrate e di Sozomeno presentano ciascuno delle peculiarità, delle accentuazioni specifiche su alcuni elementi e risultano adattati al progetto complessivo di ciascuno dei tre storici, mentre a partire da “Gelasio” il resoconto sembra essersi uniformato al modello più ampio presente in Rufino e le differenze anche con i testi successivi, quelli di Giorgio Monaco e delle due Vite agiografiche, diventano molto meno marcate. In secondo luogo la netta contrapposizione tra la potenza della virtus sulle parole (pro verbis virtus; ἀντὶ λόγων δύναμις), che contraddistingue la disputa in generale e in particolare il discorso finale del filosofo sconfitto sia in Rufino sia nei testi da “Gelasio” in poi, rappresenta uno dei temi prediletti da Rufino. L’antitesi virtus-verba è così caratteristica del suo pensiero al punto che egli la introdusse, come si è visto, anche nelle sue traduzioni a dispetto dall’originale greco» (pp. 227-228)]. 26. Teofilo di Alessandria 27. Sinesio di Cirene 28. Gerolamo San Girolamo. Tre eroi del deserto. Vita degli eremiti Paolo, Malco, Ilarione, Introduzione e traduzione a cura di G. GRANDI (Scritti monastici, 47), Edizioni Scritti Monastici, Abbazia di Praglia 2015, pp. 192. [Introduzione: Caratteri generali e problematiche delle Vite: Esegeta o romanziere?, 5-8. I. Vita Pauli: I.1. Struttura. Polemiche e paesaggi liminali nella storia del primo eremita, 9-24; I.2. Genere. Perché leggere ancora i classici? L’inverosimile pagano riproposto da Girolamo, 24-27; I.3. Tra le Bucoliche, Tertulliano e

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ADAMANTIUS 21 (2015) l’arte: tetti nuovi in città antiche, 27-33; I.4. Lingua e stile. Copia dicendi, medietas e realismo creaturale: la nuova forma dell’allegoria, 33-38. II. Vita Malchi: II.1. Struttura. Una storia narrata in prima persona: il messaggio ai posteri di Girolamo il polemista, 39-45; II.2 Genere. Romanzo o storia? Il ‘patto finzionale’ di Girolamo, 45-51; II.3. Fonti. Sincretismo ed originalità, un racconto autonomo sulla base di Eneide IV, 51-55; II.4. Lingua e stile. Metafore e simboli tra Cicerone e Seneca, 56-60. III. Vita Hilarionis: III.1. Struttura. La giostra dei personaggi e l’esplosione del tempo: il moto perpetuo della Vita Hilarionis, 61-73; III.2. Genere. Epica o romanzo? I due volti di un apparente afflato storico, 73-77; III.3. Fonti: Autobiografia, tradizioni filosofiche e richiami evangelici: la Vita Hilarionis tra la letterature pagana e la Bibbia, 77-85; III.4. Lingua e stile. Perspicuitas: suoni, spettacoli e solitudini nella Vita di Ilarione, 85-91. Considerazioni conclusive: I. Vitae: storie vicine e forme lontane, 93-95; 2. Lo specchio del centauro, 95-103. Nota alla traduzione, 105-107. Vita Pauli, 109-125. Vita Malchi, 127-141. Vita Hilarionis, 143-185. Bibliografia, 187-190. Indice generale, 191-192]. COURTRAY R., Les Maccabées dans l’œuvre de Jérôme: de la libération juive à la véritable victoire dans le Christ, in La mémoire des persécutions. Autour des livres des Maccabées, 385-397. [Lecture historique des Maccabées. Des prophéties aux réalisations multiples: les Maccabées, figures du véritable libérateur? Lecture morale: les Maccabées, modèles des martyrs. – «La présente étude s’intéressera à la réception des Maccabées chez l’un des Pères latins, Jérôme. À vrai dire, les références explicites aux livres de Maccabées chez Jérôme ne sont pas très nombreuses: la base de données “Library of Latin Texts” du CETEDOC ne donne que 42 occurrences du nom “Maccabée(s)” dans son œuvre. Cependant, ces quelques références montrent que le moine de Bethléem manifeste un grand intérêt pour ces livres dans lesquels il trouve notamment un témoignage historique important, qu’il mentionne au même titre que les Antiquités juives de Flavius Josèphe. Il faut toutefois préciser que beaucoup des références données par Jérôme proviennent de citations d’autres auteurs dont il mentionne les opinions et interprétations des textes bibliques» (p. 385)]. CRAWFORD M.R.., Scripture as ‘One Book’: Origen, Jerome and Cyril of Alexandria on Isaiah 29:11 ! 1. Miscellanee e studi di carattere generale DEGÓRSKI B., Esegesi e toponomastica nell’epistolario geronimiano, Biblica et Patristica Thoruniensia 7/3 (2014) 90123. [1. Introduzione. Il sapere come esegesi. 2. L’esegesi geronimiana e i toponimi biblici analizzati nelle singole «Lettere»: 2.1. L’Ep. 18 A-B (ad Damasum); 2.2. L’Ep. 20 (ad Damasum); 2.3. L’Ep. 21 (ad Damasum); 2.4. L’Ep. 37 (ad Marcellam); 2.5. L’Ep. 39 (ad Paulam de morte Blesillae); 2.6. L’Ep. 65 (ad Principiam uirginem, explanatio Psalmi XLIV); 2.7. L’Ep. 69 (ad Oceanum); 2.8. L’Ep. 73 (ad Euangelium presbyterum de Melchisedech); 2.9. L’Ep. 108 (ad Eustochium, epitaphium Sanctae Paulae); 2.10. L’Ep. 120 (ad Hedybiam de quaestionibus duodecim); 2.11. L’Ep. 121 (ad Algasiam liber quaestionum undecim). 3. Rilievi conclusivi: la cultura della Bibbia. – Abstract: «The present essay aims at providing an access to the exegetical method of St. Jerome as carried out in his Letters, consisting in the analysis and interpretation of the names of places which are mentioned in the Holy Writings. The essay does not take into consideration the Letter no. 78 (ad Fabiolam de mansionibus filiorum Israhel per heremum), since such a letter has been the object of a previous surveys of the Author»]. –, La Prefazione di San Girolamo alla continuazione della Cronaca di Eusebio di Cesarea, Vox Patrum 34/62 (2014) 113-124. [Breve analisi della Prefazione di San Girolamo alla traduzione delle Cronache di Eusebio di Cesarea. – «Basandoci sulla Prefazione geronimiana alla sua traduzione delle Cronache di Eusebio di Cesarea, oltre alle notizie riguardanti la stessa opera del vescovo di Cesarea in Palestina, possiamo anche conoscere meglio il metodo del Girolamo traduttore. Il Dalmata evidenzia numerose difficoltà che si fanno sentire in queste ardue imprese che i traduttori come tali devono affrontare, essendo a volte costretti a “storpiare” il testo originale per renderne il vero senso nella loro propria lingua. Le difficoltà diventano maggiori se si tratta di testi di stampo poetico. Infatti, se si traducesse un poeta in prosa, l’ordine delle parole apparirebbe ridicolo e persino incomprensibile. San Girolamo si giustifica, quindi, mettendo in risalto tantissime difficoltà che accompagnano ogni traduzione. La traduzione spesso viene resa maggiormente difficile a causa dei “barbarismi” e dei concetti che sono estranei alla mentalità dei Latini. Il Dalmata, perciò, apostrofa tutti coloro che potrebbero criticare e detrarre la sua traduzione e, in un certo senso, anche le traduzioni di coloro che affrontano una simile ed ardua impresa» (pp. 123-124)]. DUNN G.D., Why Care for the Poor? The Role of Almsgiving in Jerome’s Asceticism, ZAC 18 (2014) 283-301. [Epistula 54 to Furia. Epistula 71 to Lucinius. Epistula 77 to Oceanus. Epistula 79 to Salvina. Epistula 108 to Eustochium. Epistula 118 to Julian. Epistula 123 to Ageruchia. Epistula 130 to Demetrias. Epistula 22 to Eustochium. Epistula 127 to Principia. Epistula 107 to Laeta. Contra Vigilantium. Conclusion. – Abstract:

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REPERTORIO BIBLIOGRAFICO «The question of Christian almsgiving in late antiquity is one that has received fresh treatment recently in Richard D. Finn’s monograph, and the issue of wealth and poverty in this period is the subject of a number of current international scholarly projects. This paper considers the place of almsgiving in Jerome’s vision of asceticism found in his advice to wealthy Christians. When one reads Jerome’s letters to Furia (Epistula 54), Lucinius (Epistula 71), Oceanus (Epistula 77), Salvina (Epistula 79), Eustochium (Epistula 108), Julian (Epistula 118), Ageruchia (Epistula 123), and Demetrias (Epistula 130), where the parable of the wiy manager (Luke 16:9 in particular) is employed, as well as in other letters containing ascetical advice that do not employ the parable, it would be easy to conclude that the purpose of almsgiving for Jerome was soteriological selfinterest. It will be argued here that to reach such a conclusion would be to fail to appreciate his rhetorical strategies employed in these letters addressed to wealthy Christians. Jerome’s vitriolic treatise Contra Vigilantium, written for a different kind of audience and with a different purpose in mind, as recently investigated by David G. Hunter, also contains references to almsgiving. In it the poor are not simply the objects enabling the wealthy to be saved but are considered in terms of social justice and equity as subjects whose needs must be addressed»]. GALLAGHER E.L., Jerome’s Prologus Galeatus and the OT Canon of North Africa, in Studia Patristica LXIX/17: Latin Writers. Nachleben, 99-106. [Abstract: «Jerome and the Council of Hippo almost simultaneously took opposite stances on the deuterocanonical books. While Jerome assigned Wisdom of Solomon, Sirach, Judith, Tobit, and 1 and 2Maccabees to the apocrypha, the North African council included these same six books as fully canonical within the Old Testament. Both positions were innovative; earlier patristic lists restrict the Old Testament canon to the books accepted by the Jews, though Athanasius and others maintained a middle category of useful books that were neither canonical nor apocryphal. This paper argues that the six books excluded by Jerome and accepted by Hippo had established themselves in the late fourth-century Latin church as the definitive collection of such ‘ecclesiastical’ books (to use Rufinus’ terminology; Symb. 36) and that Jerome’s unusually harsh statement about their position in the apocrypha ought to be seen as a reaction against the opposite sentiments emanating from North Africa»]. GRAY C., The Monk and the Ridiculous: Comedy in Jerome’s Vita Malchi, in Studia Patristica LXIX/17: Latin Writers. Nachleben, 115-121. GRIG L., Deconstructing the Symbolic City: Jerome as Guide to Late Antique Rome, Papers of the British School at Rome 80 (2012) 125-143. [Abstract: «This article considers the writings of Saint Jerome as a source for writing a cultural history of the city of Rome in late antiquity. Jerome is of course, in many respects, an unreliable witness but his lively and often conflicted accounts of the city do none the less provide significant insights into the city during an age of transition. He provides a few snippets for the scholar of topography, but these do not constitute the main attraction. Jerome’s city of Rome appears above all as a textual palimpsest: variously painted in Vergilian colours as Troy and frequently compared with the biblical cities of Babylon, Bethlehem and Jerusalem. In the final analysis, it is argued, Jerome’s Rome is surprisingly unstable, indeed a ‘soft city’»]. HUNTER D.G., Asceticism, Priesthood, and Exegesis: 1 Corinthians 7:5 in Jerome and his Contemporaries, in Asceticism and Exegesis in Early Christianity, ed. by H.-U. WEIDEMANN, Vandenhoeck and Ruprecht, Göttingen 2013, 413-427. [Introduction. 1. Jerome, 1 Corinthians 7:5, and clerical sexual continence. 2. Ambrosiaster and the contemporaries of Jerome. – «My aim here is to explore an aspect of Jerome’s interpretation of 1 Corinthians 7 that has been largely neglected by previous scholars. I will focus on 1 Corinthians 7:5, where Paul recommended to married couples that they should abstain from sex “only by agreement for a set time to devote yourselves to prayer”. Both in the writings of Jerome and in those of several of his contemporaries, most notably the bishops of Rome, Damasus and Siricius, we find Paul’s advice being used as an argument for a requirement of permanent sexual abstinence for the higher clergy. In the first part of this essay I will trace the development of this argument in the writings of Jerome and demonstrate its influence on the papal literature. But, as I have noted, Jerome’s approach to the Pauline text was regarded by many of his contemporaries as excessive, even verging on the heretical. Rufinus of Aquileia was not the only contemporary of Jerome to intimate that he had fallen victim to the “dogma of the Manichaeans”. In the second part of this essay, then, I will turn to the writings of some of these contemporaries, especially the biblical commentator known today as the “Ambrosiaster”. In the works of Ambrosiaster, I will suggest, we see evidence of a conflict with Jerome’s interpretation of 1 Corinthians 7:5 and its use as a basis for the emerging discipline of clerical sexual continence» (p. 414)]. –, The Virgin, the Bride, and the Church: Reading Psalm 45 in Ambrose, Jerome, and Augustine ! 22. Ambrogio di Milano

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ADAMANTIUS 21 (2015) LITTLECHILDS R.L., «If you wish to be my mother, take care to please Christ»: The posthumous speech of Blesilla in Jerome’s Letter 39, Journal of Early Christian History 4 (2014) 97-111. [Abstract: «Jerome’s consolation to Paula on the death of her daughter Blesilla (Letter 39) is the only one of his consolatory letters in which the letter’s recipient is directly apostrophized by the deceased. This article sets the posthumous speech of Blesilla in the context of comparable features from Jerome’s other consolatory letters, and demonstrates that it is one of the textual strategies by which Jerome seeks to achieve the letter’s underlying purpose: to persuade Paula to moderate her public grief before it damages the reputation of Jerome’s ascetic ideology. It explores how Blesilla’s speech appeals to the emotional and affective qualities of Paula’s maternal identity, and implies the susceptibility of the dead to the action of the living – an idea with contemporary parallels in Jerome’s works and elsewhere. It also argues that its secondary function is to emphasize Jerome’s own role in providing access to the dead Blesilla and shaping her posthumous memory»]. MCCANN C., Incentives to Virtue: Jerome’s Use of Biblical Models, in Studia Patristica LXIX/17: Latin Writers. Nachleben, 107-113. [Abstract: «Jerome (ca. 347-420) was a polarizing figure during his lifetime and is still, his status as a Doctor of the Church notwithstanding. His self-promotion has captured the attention of scholars in recent decades. Nonetheless, he did attract disciples who found his self-advertised claims to expertise in the spiritual life appealing. A self-proclaimed expert in Biblical interpretation as well, Jerome’s letters demonstrate that he used a wide variety of Biblical figures as models whose actions and attitudes could be profitably imitated by his own disciples in their own quests to attain spiritual maturity. One aspect of Jerome’s use of Biblical models that may be surprising is the wide variety of Biblical models he used. For example, one might expect that in writing about the life of the dedicated virgin, most famously to Eustochium (Ep. 22) and to Demetrias (Ep. 130), that Jerome would encourage imitation of many of the same models. However, although Jerome does discuss the Prophet Elijah in both letters, there is otherwise very little overlap between the letters in use of Biblical models. In fact, while Jerome recommends many such figures for Eustochium, his letter to Demetrias contains only a handful of models from the Bible. Instead, in this letter, Jerome also refers to the examples of family members (her mother and grandmother) as well as that of the Roman martyr St. Agnes. Several possible reasons account for this difference. One reason could simply be the thirty years interlude between the two letters. Three decades of additional thought and experience could have caused changes in Jerome’s approach. In addition, the letter to Eustochium was well-known, so he would not have wished to repeat himself unnecessarily. Another possibility, and one that this paper will stress, is that Jerome was also attempting to personalize the letters for the needs and interests of the main addressees. Certainly the letters were intended to be widely read, and to be of use to many more women that just Eustochium and Demetrias. Yet the differences in models, not just in these two letters, but others as well, can be read as demonstrating that Jerome sought not just to advertise his own expertise, but also to adapt to the needs of his disciples and potential disciples»]. MORLET S., La Préparation évangélique d’Eusèbe et les Stromates perdus d’Origène: Nouvelles considérations ! 19. Eusebio di Cesarea NERI V., La scelta di Paolino e Melania ed il dibattito contemporaneo sulla pericope del giovane ricco Miscellanee e studi di carattere generale

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O’LOUGHLIN T., Jerome’s De uiris illustribus and Latin Perceptions of the New Testament’s Canon, in The Mystery of Christ in the Fathers of the Church.Essays in Honour of D. Vincent Twomey SVD, ed. by J.E. RUTHERFORD and D. WOODS, Four Courts Press, Dublin 2012, 55-65. [The Gospels and Acts. The Pauline corpus. Other canonical writings. Apocrypha. Other writings. Conclusion. – «Within the whole set of Christian written texts, Jerome seems to have two fairly well defined subsets of the ‘canonical’ and the ‘apocryphal’ but they are not firmly bounded. Thus there is an intermediate set of early texts that forms a spectrum of ‘grey’ between them; and there are also texts which, while both noncanonical and non-apocryphal, form another ‘group’ because they can be seen as quasi-canonical (for example I Clement). Moreover, there are in the canonical collection writings that are not from the apostolic ambit (2 and 3 John), while there are books firmly from within that period and ambit, indeed by apostles (for example Barnabas) which are not canonical. And as some texts within the canon have grown to have that status (for example Jude), so there are those outside the Latin canon that are treated as canonical – that is, read publicly and treated as having authority – in other places. The reader of the De uiris illustribus is left with much detailed information about the Scriptures and their authors, but also left with scope to use other writings, even ‘apocrypha’, if that helps, or, alternatively, to argue for a more restrictive boundary to the canon. This ‘freedom’ coupled with concerns about canonicity expressed in the De uiris illustribus helps us understand why there was such complexity in the notion of ‘the New Testament’ canon, and such a willing to make use of the ‘apocrypha’, in the period between the fifth and the ninth centuries» (p. 65)].

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REPERTORIO BIBLIOGRAFICO 29. Agostino The Theory and Practice of the Scriptural Exegesis in Augustine, Edited by N. KAMIMURA, Research Project: Gran-inaid for scientific research (C) 23520098, Kyoto 2014, pp. x+89. [Acknowledgments, vii; Abbreviations, ix-x. 1. N. KAMIMURA, Introduction, 1-11. 2. N. KAMIMURA, The Exegesis of Genesis in the Early Works of Augustine, 13-24. 3. M. SATO, The Role of Eve in Salvation in Augustine’ Interpretation of Genesis 3, 25-32. 4. M. SATO, The Word and Our Words: Augustine’s View of Words Based on John 1:3, 33-39. 5. N. KAMIMURA, Augustine’s Quest for Perfection and the Encounter with the Vita Antonii, 41-52. 6. N. KAMIMURA, The Interpretation of a Passage from Romans in the Early Works of Augustine, 53-62. 7. N. KAMIMURA, Augustine’s Evolving Commentaries on the Pauline Epistles, 63-72. Bibliography, 75-84. Index locorum, 85-89]. CAMERON M., The Emergence of Totus Christus as Hermeneutical Center in Augustine’s Enarrationes in Psalmos, in The Harp of the Prophecy. Early Christian Interpretation of the Psalms, 205-226. [Pastoral thread: «How shall I minister to these little ones?». First grammatical-rhetorical thread: the work of prosopological exegesis. Second grammatical-rhetorical thread: the impersonating voice-within-voice (prosopopoeia). Convergence of threads: the exegesis of Psalm 21. Discovering oneself embodied in the Christ of the Psalms. Bibliographical note – «On the one hand the psalmist spoke as Christ, while on the other Christ spoke as Adam and as church and made the figure of prosopopoeia his engine of redemption and the template for reading scripture. Totus Christus allowed Augustine to take up a position within the text’s own precincts. He accordingly read the psalms as Christ, that is, as a member of Christ’s body who participated in the selfunderstanding of the head. This way of interpretation embryonically embodied the view that later often pictured Christ at Gethsemane and Golgotha “transfiguring us into himself” (transfigurans nos in se); that is, incorporating believers into his person as members of his body, the church. The exchange between Christ and believers – life given for death, justice given for guilt – suggests the chief characteristic of Augustine’s Christian hermeneutics, that is, the exchange by which readers project themselves into the scriptures. These early psalm studies, and the later psalms sermons, were training exercises to help readers to practice this selftransposition into the text through Christ’s gracious incarnation and death» (p. 220)]. GAYTÁN LUNA J.A., Fin del mundo y destino final del hombre. La exégesis escatólogica de 1 Ad Corinthios 7,31, y 15,50 en la literatura cristiana antigua ! 1. Miscellanee e studi di carattere generale LEAL H., Autognosis en las Confesiones de San Agustín, Veritas (Valparaíso-Chile) 31 (2014) 161-178. [El presente artículo tiene como objetivo mostrar que las Confesiones no solamente pueden ser leídas como una autobiografía, como un itinerario espiritual o como una exhortación divina; sino que, además, puede ser entendida como el despliegue de un pensamiento ávido de trascendencia que posibilita la revitalización de la prudencia como saber moral. Aunque san Agustín no explicita una definición de prudencia en el texto, creo, sin embargo, que es posible construir a partir de su pensamiento una noción de sabiduría que sirva para comprender «el drama interno» que padece el hombre]. MCCARTHY M.C., An Ecclesiology of Groaning: Augustine, the Psalms, and the Making of Church, in The Harp of the Prophecy. Early Christian Interpretation of the Psalms, 227-256. [Augustine and embodied exegesis. Augustine and embodied ecclesiology. The development of Augustine’s theology of the psalms. Vox totius Christi: performing and practicing the psalms. Performing the psalms: Augustine’s exposition of Psalm 93. Practicing the psalms: cultivating a hungry body. An ecclesiology of groaning. – «Augustine’s frequent reminder that we groan in the present condition suggests a form of resistance to premature solutions of the multiple problems that he faced as a fifth-century bishop. The eschatological sense, both of scripture and of the church, did not deliver him from real tensions or provide a way for him to escape into an overly spiritualized exegesis or ecclesiology. Rather, it urged patience with pains of disagreement, the effects of scandal, the bonds with those who cause us grief and embarrassment. His practice of exegesis, finally, was a practice of charity: both were firmly grounded in his conviction that central to God’s revelation was the Word’s sharing in the vulnerability of our flesh, the Head’s involvement with a body whose complications he did not abandon. Members of a twenty-first century church, faced with its own complications and seeking in scripture some mooring, would do well to see in Augustine’s “ecclesiology of groaning” a salutary warning against the temptation to seek some idealized community of the perfect or to employ strategies for scriptural exegesis that throw off the burdens and amibiguities and disagreements in the body that the Head in fact assumed and transfigured in himself» (pp. 249-250)]. HUNTER D.G., The Virgin, the Bride, and the Church: Reading Psalm 45 in Ambrose, Jerome, and Augustine ! 22. Ambrogio di Milano NERI V., La scelta di Paolino e Melania ed il dibattito contemporaneo sulla pericope del giovane ricco Miscellanee e studi di carattere generale

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ADAMANTIUS 21 (2015) PRADA M., Aproximación al sentido de la palabra musica en las obras de san Agustín, Franciscanum (BogotáColombia) 56/161 (2014) 17-49. [Con el ánimo de exponer la idea de musica como ciencia – perteneciente al esquema de las artes liberales –, entre los años 386 y 391, Agustín redactó los diálogos De Ordine y De Musica. Por sus sitematicidad, completud y eco en posteriores tradiciones teóricas, estas son las fuentes principales para el estudio de la música en el autor africano. No obstante, también se encuentran referencias a la música a lo largo de su obra. Este artículo revisa el uso que Agustín hizo de la palabra latina musica en sus escritos. Queremos mostrar que tal noción, además de aplicar a la ciencia mencionada, ayuda a la comprensión de: 1. La constitución ontológica del mundo, tanto estática como dinámica; 2. La figura del músico y 3. La teoría organológica y de las formas musicales]. 30. Isidoro di Pelusio ARTEMI E., Humanity’s Reconciliation with the Divine through the Mystery of the Incarnation of the Word in the Thought of St. Isidore of Pelusium & St. Cyril of Alexandria, in Orthodox Monasticism Past and Present, 313-329. [The incarnation of Word: path to God’s reconciliation with humanity. Sons of God by grace: members of the body by participation in divine mysteries. Conclusions. – «Both fathers explain that only in the Ecclesia can Christian believers become the real Sons of God, through participating in the holy mysteries. Baptism is obligatory for anyone wishing to enter into the body of Christ, of the Church. For both fathers Christians become sons of God through faith in Christ Jesus. They were baptised into Christ, where there is neither Jew or Greek, there is neither slave nor free, there is neither male nor female; for all they are on in Christ Jesus. When the Alexandrian fathers consider this mystery, generally, Cyril and Isidore choose to articulate the revelation of God through His Word in the Incarnation» (pp. 326-327)]. 31. Cirillo Alessandrino Der Kommentar Cyrills von Alexandrien zum 1. Korintherbrief. Einleitung, kritischer Text, Übersetzung, Einzelanalyse von K.F. ZAWADZKI (Traditio Exegetica Graeca, 16), Peeters, Leuven-Paris-Bristol/CT 2015, pp. xxviii+615. [Hinführung, xv-xxiii. Zielsetzung und Aufbau der Studie, xxv-xxviii. Teil A. Einleitung: I. Die handschriftliche Überlieferung, 3-11; II. Tabellarische Übersicht über die erhaltenen Fragmente des Kommentars des Cyrill von Alexandrien zum 1. Korintherbrief, 12-22; III. Gedruckte Textausgaben, 23-36; IV. Abfassungszeit, 37-60; V. Gattungsfrage, 61-77; VI. Der Kommentar zum 1. Korintherbrief in Cyrills exegetischem Œuvre, 78-83. Teil B. Kritischer Text und Übersetzung, 85-259. Einzelanalyse, 261-527. Teil D. Zusammenfassung: I. Vorbemerkungen, 531-532; II. Die zentralen Themen des unsersuchten Kommentars, 533-548; III. Exegetische Hermeneutik und exegetische Methoden Cyrills im untersuchten Kommentar, 549567. Anmerkungen zur Rezeption des untersuchten Kommentars, 568-570. Abkürzungsverzeichnis, 571-578; Quellen- und Literaturverzeichnis, 579-593; Anhang I-III, 594-598. Register, 599-615]. ARTEMI E., Humanity’s Reconciliation with the Divine through the Mystery of the Incarnation of the Word in the Thought of St. Isidore of Pelusium & St. Cyril of Alexandria ! 31. Cirillo Alessandrino BAGHOS M., Ecclesial Memory and Secular History in the Conflicting Representations of Cyril of Alexandria: An Apology for the Saint, Phronema 29/2 (2014) 87-125. [From secular historiography to popular culture: The ancient historiographical sources; Modern (secular) historiography; Agora; Azazeel. The Byzantine historians, St Cyril’s correspondence with Nestorius, and the ecclesial memory. Conclusion. – Abstract: «Drawing on Enlightenment depictions of Cyril of Alexandria as an unscrupulous thug, contemporary historiography has perpetuated a representation of the saint that has impacted popular culture. But there exists another depiction of the saint, reflected in a series of Byzantine historians who are usually overlooked, all of whom drew upon the ecclesial memory. This article revisits these witnesses and other traditional sources, engaging with the concepts of ‘history’ and ‘memory’ in order to show that, in contrast to secular portrayals, the latter have a privileged access to the truth in the case of St Cyril»]. BOULNOIS M.-O., La bouchée de Judas (Jn 13,26-30) d’Origène à Thomas d’Aquin carattere generale

! 1. Miscellanee e studi di

COX R.R., A Sharp Pen versus Fragrant Myrrh: Comparing the Commentaries of Cyril of Alexandria and Theodore of Mopsuestia on Psalm 45, in The Harp of the Prophecy. Early Christian Interpretation of the Psalms, 175-190. [Part 1: Who is speaking about what in Psalm 44? Part 2: The Jews as foil in the exegesis of Psalm 44. Part 3: The christology of Psalm 44. The purpose of Psalm 44 and of its interpretation. – «In evaluating the results of Theodore’s and Cyril’s interpretation of Psalm 44, it would be possible to conclude that, in terms of Christology, the psalm in itself is of little importance for either writer – it is merely a cipher for either one’s theology. I would disagree. Even if, as most modern exegetes would assume, the psalm was originally

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REPERTORIO BIBLIOGRAFICO composed as an encomium of a king at his wedding, it was also, at least in a secondary way, a song of praise addressed to that king’s God. As such an instrument of double praise the psalm is significant to both of our writers, and to the church, which continues to use it in its worship. Theodore would have us focus our reading of the psalm on what is praiseworthy about God in his transcendent, divine nature, with Christ’s human nature held safely at a distance. Cyril would have us focus on what is praiseworthy about the mystery of God’s Son, who humbled his divine self to our lowly state for our sake. It is left to subsequent readers to learn from Theodore’s and Cyril’s varying theological emphases and exegetical strategies and to make their own judgments about how best to interpret a psalm that both early Christian writers believed forced readers to make decisions about their fundamental intellectual commitments» (p. 187)]. CRAWFORD M.R.., Scripture as ‘One Book’: Origen, Jerome and Cyril of Alexandria on Isaiah 29:11 ! 1. Miscellanee e studi di carattere generale HERNÁNDEZ PELUDO G., «Finis legis et prophetarum Christus»: La interpretación patrística del AT en un ejemplo significativo: Cirilo de Alejandría, Salamanticensis 62 (2015) 67-101. [Introducción. 1. Cirilo de Alejandría, «intérprete del Antiguo Testamento». 2. De adoratione: la relación entre AT y NT. 3. Glaphyrorum in Pentateuchum: el único fin de la Escritura. 4. Com. in XII Proph.: la progresiva valoración de la historia. 5. Com. in Is.: del profeta al apóstol. Conclusión: finis legis et prophetarum Christus. La confluencia en Cirilo de las grandes lineas de interpretación patrística del AT. – Summary: «How did the Church’s Fathers interpret the Old Testament? This paper attempts to answer this capital and current question for the exegetical and theological reflection, analyzing the prefaces to the exegetical works on the Old Testament of Saint Cyril of Alexandria. These prefaces constitute a significant example in which converge in a unique synthesis of the salient lines of patristic interpretation of the Old Testament and the key principles that inspired it. These could be summarized in the sentence: Finis legis et prophetarum Christus»]. NOVIKOV V., The Evolution of Fundamental Christological Elements in the Works of St. Cyril of Alexandria, in Orthodox Monasticism Past and Present, 291-312. [The absolute unity of the Incarnate Word of God. The personal appropriation of the human nature by the Son of God. The presence of Christ’s human soul as an important soteriological factor. The natural unity of the Son of God with mankind which he saves as mediator. The harmony of St. Cyril’s christology and eucharistic doctrine. – «A close study of the early works of St. Cyril shows that the anti-Nestorian struggle was not just a kind of specious trump card in a suspected ecclesio-political rivaly between Alexandria and Constantinople, but rather that fundamental theological ideas of Christology, sacramentology and soteriology had clarified themselves and were present even in the earliest works of St. Cyril. And, pace those who think that there is a huge difference between the early and the late works, one can now say with some assurance that during the Nestorian controversy we do not see new ideas being constructed, as much as long held views being presented more forcefully and extremely» (pp. 293-294)]. ZAWADZKI K.F., Neue griechische Fragmente des Cyrill von Alexandrien, (Pseudo-)Athanasius, Philoxenos, Severus von Antiochien und Ammonios: patristische Auslegungen zum 1. Korintherbrief (ediert aus dem Codex Pantokratoros 28), ZAC 18 (2014) 260-282. [1. Der Codex Pantokratoros 28: 1.1. Formale und inhaltliche Vorstellung des Manuskripts; 1.2. Der Katenenkommentar zu 1 Kor (Folien 38r-89v). 2. Edition der Fragmente: 2.1. Cyrill von Alexandrien; 2.2. (Pseudo-)Athanasius; 2.3. Philoxenos; 2.4. Severus von Antiochien; 2.5. Ammonios. 3. Schlussbetrachtung. – Abstract: «This paper provides the first edition of five previously unknown Greek fragments of Cyril of Alexandria, (Pseudo-)Athanasius, Philoxenos, Severus of Antioch, and Ammonios. Since all these fragments have survived only in the Codex Pantokratoros 28, in the first part of this paper the reader will find some important basic information about the age of this manuscript, its text-critical value and content. The special focus of this introductory part is on the catena commentary on 1 Corinthians which has survived in the Codex Pantokratoros 28 and from which the texts edited are. The main part of this paper presents an edition, translation, and commentary of the five fragments mentioned above. The commentary concentrates on questions concerning the authorship of the texts, their theological content and – insofar it is necessary for the proper understanding of the fragments – text-critical problems»].

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ADAMANTIUS 21 (2015) 32. Nonno di Panopoli VERHELST B., As Multiform as Dionysus: New Perspectives on Nonnus’ Dionysiaca, L’Antiquité Classique 82 (2013) 267-278. [1. Nonnus in context: a. Literary context and educational background; b. Religious context; c. Political context. 2. Structure and poetics in the Dionysiaca: a. Structure and ideology; b. Structure through genre. 3. Nonnus and his literary examples]. 33. Pseudo-Dionigi Areopagita Dionigi Areopagita. Nomi divini, Teologia mistica, Epistole. La versione siriaca di Sergio di Rês‘ayna, edita da E. FIORI (CSCO, 656. Scriptores Syri, 252), Peeters, Lovanii 2014, pp. xliii+200. [Ringraziamenti, v-vi. Bibliografia, vii-x. Abbreviazioni, sigle e segni convenzionali, xi-xii. Premessa: 1. Descrizione generale del manoscritto, xiii-xxi; 2. La tradizione indiretta e altri frammenti da florilegi: una fortuna limitata, xxii-xxvii; 3. Caratteristiche di questa edizione, xxviii-xxx; 4. Accenni sul valore criticotestuale della versione di Sergio in rapporto al testo greco, xxx-xliii. Edizione: 1. Nomi divini, 3-105; 2. Teologia mistica, 106-113; 3. Epistole, 114-124. Indici: Indice selettivo greco-siriaco, 127-192; Indice dei nomi di persona, 193; Indice selettivo dei prestiti greci, 195-197]. Dionigi Areopagita. Nomi divini, Teologia mistica, Epistole. La versione siriaca di Sergio di Rês‘ayna, tradotta da E. FIORI (CSCO, 657. Scriptores Syri, 253), Peeters, Lovanii 2014, pp. xci+186. [Bibliografia, v-xiv. Abbreviazioni, sigle e segni convenzionali, xv. Introduzione, xvii: I. Preistoria e storia della traduzione del Corpus areopagiticum, xviii-xxv; II. Rês‘ayna traduttore del Corpus areopagiticum: 1. Sergio traduttore, xxvi-xxxi; 2. La lingua di Sergio nella versione di Dionigi, xxxi-lxxxv; 3. L’atteggiamento di Sergio verso le citazioni bibliche, lxxxv-xci. Traduzione: Nota su questa traduzione, 3-5; 1. Nomi divini, 6-145; 2. Teologia mistica, 146-158; 3. Epistole, 159-168. Appendice: I passi di Dionigi nelle versioni siriache di Severo di Antiochia, 169-172. Indici: Indice biblico ragionato, 173-180; Indice degli autori, delle opere e dei personaggi antichi, 181-183]. CURIELLO G., Pseudo-Dionysius and Damascius: An Impossible Identification, Dionysius 31 (2013) 101-116. [Introduction. Dionysius and Damascius in Mazzucchi’s article. 2. Differences between Dionysius and Damascius: The first principle as cause; Union and distinction within the first principle. 3. Some Christian ideas in Dionysius’ thought: Christian vocabulary; Incarnation. Conclusion. – «Despite the difficulty of situating Dionysius within the history of ideas, we must avoid two extremes. On the one hand there is Mazzucchi, who identifies Dionysius with a pagan philosopher, since Dionysius and Damascius have very different conceptions of God. On the other there are Lourié and Perczel, who hold that the numerous correspondences – doctrinal, verbal, stylistic – between Damascius and Dionysius “should be attributed to the general atmosphere of the school to which both authors belonged, rather to any literary dependence” (Lourié). However, the parallels between Dionysius and Damascius, or between Dionysius and other Neoplatonist thinkers, are too close to be simply an expression of the Zeitgeist» (p. 115). Note critiche a margine di: C.M. MAZZUCCHI, Damascio, autore del Corpus Dionysiacum e il dialogo Περὶ πολιτικῆς ἐπιστήμης, Aevum 80 (2006) 299-334]. Pseudo-Dionysius the Areopagite and Maximus the Confessor, in The Oxford Handbook of Maximus the Confessor, 177-193. [Theandric activity in the Ambigua. Being, well-being, eternal being. Power, action, rest. Birth, baptism, resurrection. Deification (θέωσις). Negative theology and transfiguration. Mystagogy. Mystagogy and Ecclesiastical Hierarchy 3. The Mystagogy and the Divine Names. The Mystagogy and the Mystical Theology. Union with the Ineffable or union with the one. Suggested reading].

DE ANDIA Y.,

LANKILA T., The Corpus Areopagiticum and Proclus’ Divine Interface, in Georgian Christian Thought and Its Cultural Context. Memorial Volume for the 125th Anniversary of Shalva Nutsubidze (1888-1969), ed. by T. NUTSUBIDZE, C.B. HORN, and B. LOURIÉ, with the collaboration of A. OSTROVSKY, Brill, Leiden-Boston 2014, 69-80. [Introduction. Proclus’ divine interface. The theory of the henads as a background for the Dionysian theory of love and the Trinity. The «participations-in-themselves» and ideal divine plurality. The «flower of the intellect» in the CDA. Implications for the questions of authorship and the origin of the CDA. – «My suggestion is that the best approach is to assume that the Corpus is intentionally an unaccomplished mission. The author was not seeking any authentic synthesis, but the juxtaposition of two incompatible theories. This is exactly what was aimed for. The author created a Corpus which was Christian enough to be accepted by warring factions of the church and at the same time he sowed into it hints in order to show to the informed reader a path to the original sources. At the beginning of the sixth century the intellectual heritage and the Neoplatonic works as such were under very real threat. Thus a viable explanation is that the goal of the Corpus was first of all to contribute to the survival of Neoplatonic sources. In those historical circumstances it

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REPERTORIO BIBLIOGRAFICO was quite an understandable tactic to pretend that the writings of Neoplatonists were actually derived from and contained quasi-apostolic Christian teaching» (p. 80)]. MCCRAY K., The Dying Church: Hierarchy as Self-Sacrifice in Pseudo-Dionysius, in Orthodox Monasticism Past and Present, 343-356. [«Here I contend that not only is the bifurcation of mystical versus hierarchical writings in the Dionysian corpus an artificial and a-textual distinction, but in fact the same denial and kenosis that tie together the Mystical Theology and the Divine Names also undergirds the Celestial and Ecclesiastical Hierarchies. In the same way that the Areopagite asserts with the purpose of then denying that assertion within his other more mystically regarded texts, he speaks of hierarchy as a denial of self, a total transparency at every level» (p. 345)]. PACKWOOD J., Plotinus and the Essence – Energeia Distinction: A Neoplatonic Influence on Dionysius Areopagita, in Orthodox Monasticism Past and Present, 357-367. [Double act. Dionysius and the double act. – «In conclusion, what we find in the Neoplatonic ontology of Dionysius is not a denigration of everything that is, with the hope of getting on to the next life, as some rather superficial readings of Platonism (and Christianity) seem to infer. Rather, what we find is a sense of goodness and value in everything that exists. Therefore, the monastic following this Neoplatonic tradition does not see the world, or her body, as something evil or bad. Instead, through Dionysius we find that everything, because it exists, is something holy and something through which we can find God. Therefore, I suggest that understanding Plotinus’ double act theory might help us to understand the vital distinction between the essence of God (internal activity) and the energeia of God (external activity)» (p. 366)]. 34. Cosma Indicopleuste 35. Giovanni Filopono 36. Massimo il Confessore The Oxford Handbook of Maximus the Confessor, ed. by P. ALLEN and B. NEIL, Oxford UP, Oxford 2015, pp. xxviii+611 (=The Oxford Handbook of Maximus the Confessor). [Preface, v-ix. Part I. Historical setting: 1. P. ALLEN, Life and Time of Maximus the Confessor, 3-18; 2. M. JANKOWIAK-P. BOOTH, A New Date-List of the Works of Maximus the Confessor, 19-83; 3. W.E. KAEGI, Byzantium in the Seventh Century, 84-105; 4. C. HOVORUN, Maximus, a Cautious Neo-Chalcedonian, 106-124. Part II. Theological and philosophical influences: 5. M. PORTARU, Classical Philosophical Influences: Aristotle and Platonism, 127-148; 6. P. MUELLER-JOURDAN, The Foundation of Origenist Metaphysics, 149-163; 7. M. PLESTED, The Ascetic Tradition, 164-176; 8. Y. DE ANDIA, Pseudo-Dionysius the Areopagite and Maximus the Confessor, 177-193; 9. R.J. LAIRD, Mindset (),-µ.) in John Chrysostom, 194-211; 10. J. BÖRJESSON, Augustine on the Will, 212-234; 11. B. NEIL, Divine Providence and the Gnomic Will before Maximus, 235-249. Part III. Works and thought: 12. P.M. BLOWERS, Exegesis of Scripture, 253-273; 13. P. VAN DEUN, Maximus the Confessor’s Use of Literary Genres, 274-286; 14. D. BATHRELLOS, Passion, Ascesis, and the Virtues, 287-306; 15. T.T. TOLLEFSEN, Christocentric Cosmology, 307-321; 16. A. ANDREOPOULOS, Eschatology in Maximus the Confessor, 322-340; 17. J.-C. LARCHET, The Mode of Deification, 341-359; 18. A.G. COOPER, Spiritual Anthropology in Ambiguum 7, 360-377; 19. D. COSTACHE, Mapping Reality within the Experience of Holiness, 378-396; 20. G.C. BERTHOLD, Christian Life and Praxis: The Centuries on Love, 397-413; 21. T. CATTOI, Liturgy as Cosmic Transformation, 414-435. Part IV. Reception: 22. L. KHOPERIA, The Georgian Tradition on Maximus the Confessor, 439-459; 23. G. BENEVICH, Maximus’ Heritage in Russia and Ukraine, 460-479; 24. C. KAVANAGH, The Impact of Maximus the Confessor on John Scottus Eriugena, 480-499; 25. A. LOUTH, Maximus the Confessor’s Influence and Reception in Byzantine and Modern Orthodoxy, 500-515; 26. I.A. MCFARLAND, The Theology of the Will, 516-532; 27. M. BAKKER, Maximus and Modern Psychology, 533547; 28. A.E. SIECIENSKI, Maximus the Confessor and Ecumenism, 548-563; 29. J. LOLLAR, Reception of Maximian Thought in the Modern Era, 564-580. General index, 581-593; Index of ancient persons, 595-597; Index of modern persons, 599-607; Index of biblical citations, 609-611]. BLOWERS P.M., A Psalm “Unto the End”: Eschatology and Anthropology in Maximus the Confessor’s Commentary on Psalm 59, in The Harp of the Prophecy. Early Christian Interpretation of the Psalms, 257-283. [Locating the Commentary on Psalm 59 in Maximus’s corpus and in Greek patristic exegesis of the Psalter. The inscription to Psalm 59 (εἰς τὸ τέλος, τοῖς ἀλλοιωθησομένοις) as the key to its interpretation by Maximus. The faces/voices of the text: prosopology and spiritual anthropology in Psalm 59:3-14. Maximus the Confessor, Commentary on Psalm 59: a translation. – «A critical edition of the Commentary on Psalm 59 by Peter van Deun appeared in 1991 and certainly invites closer consideration of the work’s significance in the context of both Maximus’s own writing and the larger history of Greek patristic interpretation of the Psalter. In this essay I shall make a few general remarks about both of these trajectories before turning to the content

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ADAMANTIUS 21 (2015) of the Commentary, which, I will argue, constitutes an exemplary fusion of Maximus’s anagogical method of biblical interpretation, his “realized eschatology”, and his Christocentric spiritual anthropology» (p. 258)]. MUELLER-JOURDAN P., The Foundation of Origenist Metaphysics ! 13. L’origenismo e la fortuna di Origene MUNTEANU D., Theosis und Perichoresis in den Theologien von Gregor von Nazianz und Maximus Confessor ! 21.2. Gregorio di Nazianzo PINO T.A., Continuity in Patristic and Scholastic Thought: Bonaventure and Maximos the Confessor on the Necessary Multiplicity of God, Franciscan Studies 72 (2014) 107-128. [Introduction. Bonaventure’s Trinitarian theology. The Patristic antecedents of a God perfected in Trinity. Gregory of Nazianzos. Maximos the Confessor. Conclusion. – «Influenced, as is known, by the Dionysian Corpus, the Franciscan master inherited a rich patrimony of Byzantine theology that upheld the logical necessity of divine multiplicity. In his doctrine one can clearly observe a unique resemblance especially to the theology of Gregory the Theologian. The bishop of Nazianzos and Constantinople had himself built up the patristic tradition of dynamic monotheism, rejecting simplistic conceptions of unity and delineating the virtues of triadic subsistence. As brought forward by Maximos the Confessor in the seventh century, these teachings combine with the thought of the Areopagitic Corpus to form a unique harmony with the thriteenthcentury scholastic thought of Bonaventure. In the Franciscan Schoolman we see, recapitulated, the patristic conception that God exists in an effluent dynamism of Trinitarian subsistence» (pp. 107-108)]. SALÉS L.J., Maximos and Neurobiology: A Neurotheological Investigation of Asceticism as Erosion of the Passions & the Gnomic Will, in Orthodox Monasticism Past and Present, 369-377. [The theological account. The neurobiological account. Conclusion. – «(…) The theological and the neurobiological accounts I have given posit a human agent who deliberates about courses of action. Put differently, deliberation is real, not an illusion, and thus a constitutive element of ethical theory» (p. 376)]. TOLLEFSEN T.T., St Maximus the Confessor’s Doctrine of Deification, in Für uns und für unser Heil: Soteriologie in Ost und West, 297-301. [«St Maximus the Confessor has what I would call a strong doctrine of deification. He says that man “becomes God and is called a ‘portion of God’ because he has become fit to participate in God”. He also says that creation becomes completely whatever God is, save at the level of being (ousia). How could this be highlighted ontologically? One should probably search for understanding in contexts where Maximus treats the ontology of the Incarnation, for instance in the Ambiguum 5» (p. 297)]. TUCKER G., Converting the Use of Death: The Ascetic Theology of St Maximus the Confessor in Ad Thalassium 61, in Orthodox Monasticism Past and Present, 379-394. [«For St. Maximus, all human beings are involved in an ascetic contest with suffering and death, but it is only through the waters of the mystery of holy baptism in which one receives a spiritual rebirth in Christ, that one is able to take hold of death and experience it as the condemnation of sin itself; that is to say, to experience suffering, pain, and finally death, as salvific. Asceticism, therefore, is for Maximus the basic disposition of all human beings, but it receives life-giving power only in Christ, by whom suffering is redeemed, and through whom this present life is known to be for salvation» (pp. 393-394)].

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